< Back Ms Parul Bakshi Parul Bakshi holds a PhD from the Japanese Division of the Centre for East Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India. She has also been a Special Research Student at the Graduate School of Public Policy at The University of Tokyo as a Japan Foundation Japanese Studies Fellow 2021-22. Her research is titled “Japan’s Post-Fukushima Energy Transition Towards Renewable Energy: Lessons from German Energiewende”. She has previously completed her MPhil, top of her class, from the aforementioned institute on the subject titled “Japan’s Path towards Renewable Energy: Scope for Japan-India Cooperation (2001-16)”. Parul has widely published in academic journals such as the Australian Journal of International Affairs, The Pacific Review, Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development, and the Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, among others. She is also a recipient of the Mitsubishi Cooperation International Scholarship in recognition of excellence in the Japanese language. Publications

< Back Dr Moch Faisal Karim I am an Assistant Professor within International Relations Department at Bina Nusantara University. I am currently an editor for Journal of ASEAN Studies, A Q1 Scopus journal focusing ASEAN. My primary research interest lies in the intersection of political economy and International Relations (IR) with an emphasis on the role of emerging powers in global governance with a special focus on human rights, trade, and International Relations in the Asia Pacific. Currently my Scopus H-Index is 6. My research has been published in Foreign Policy Analysis, International Relations, Contemporary Politics, Third World Quarterly, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Pacific Review, Asian Journal of Social Science, European Journal of East Asian Studies, Journal of International Migration and Integration and Journal of ASEAN Studies. I holds PhD from the University of Warwick, Master Degree from University of Nottingham and Bachelor Degree from University of Indonesia. Publications

085781e8-10d9-4e08-a9ec-69a288a37ca4 < All op-eds The Indigenous People’s Rights Act 0f 2007 and Strengthening access to Political and Socio-economic reforms amidst the Pandemic- the case of Indigenous Cultural Communities of Central Luzon, Philippines Dr. Froilan C. Calilung Cultural diversity has been one of the defining hallmarks of the Philippine society. The archipelagic nature of the country’s landscape and its unique social composition accounts for this reality (Panopio, 2005). Spanning across more than 30 million hectares of land, 112 ethno-linguistic groups numbering around 11.3 million and easily comprising 12-14 percent of the total population belong to the Indigenous Peoples or I.P. (National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, 2019). Despite their sheer number and presence, De Vera (2007) argues that they are among the most marginalized groups in the country. It should be noted that insufficient educational resources, unemployment, and incidence of poverty are significantly higher among them than the rest of the Philippine population. This situation is further compounded by the fact that IP settlements are remote, without access to basic services, and characterized by a high incidence of morbidity, mortality, and malnutrition due to lack of access to proper healthcare. This is further exacerbated by the onslaught of the Covid-19 Pandemic Amidst this backdrop, as well as in consideration of the historical and social significance of the IPs as enshrined in the 1987 Constitution, the Philippine government spearheaded the passage of the landmark legislation, the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA Law) in 1997 (Molintas, 2004; Doyle, 2020; Simbulan, 2016). This law has been hailed as a vital step towards a meaningful recognition of the IP rights. In fact, it was the first legislation in South East Asia to accord such importance to the IPs (De Vera, 2007). It should be held that this law goes beyond the contract-based resource management agreements between the state and the community; as it fully recognizes the ownership of the Indigenous Communities over their traditional territories which include land, bodies of water, and all other natural resources therein (IPRA Law). Furthermore, the IPRA provides tenurial security to the community with the issuance of an ownership title (Certificate of Ancestral Domain/Land Title) to the concerned Indigenous community giving them absolute right of ownership to the land which they can use and cultivate for their own benefit. On the contrary, many years after its passage, the goal of effectively recognizing the IP rights especially to their ancestral domain still remains elusive — as there are systemic and structural defects in the execution of the IPRA Law (Candelaria et.al, 2008). Based on a publication released by the Indigenous Peoples’ International Centre for Policy Research and Education, the implementation of the IPRA is impeded by the lack of enforcement coming from the National Commission for the Indigenous People (NCIP). Furthermore, the existence of laws in contradiction to the provisions in the IPRA made it more complex, weakening its capacity to completely set the mandate. The Aetas of Central Luzon, residing in the mountain regions of the provinces of Zambales, Pampanga and areas of Bataan shall be the subject of a thorough investigation. The rights of these cultural minorities to their ancestral domain have always been regarded as a contentious issue alongside the lack of political participation and socio- economic opportunities being denied to them. Specific reforms pertinent to their current condition in the face of the pandemic should be carefully scrutinized. It is worthy to undermine the structural and operational defects of the IPRA Law and how the law failed to advance the rights of the Aeta communities. Specific problems concerning human rights, educational reforms, access to electoral and political issues as well as livelihood shall be the focal points of the investigation. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

< Back Mr Aditya Singh Aditya Singh is the Founder and Chairman of Alexis Group, India’s leading federation of youth organizations bound by the common motto of Passion for Excellence. He has been recognized as a Global Shaper by the World Economic Forum, Changemaker by the Global Action on Poverty, Hesselbein Fellow by the University of Pittsburgh, USA, Prerna Fellow by the Indian Institute of Management Lucknow, and Fellow by the City Montessori School Lucknow for his exemplary contributions in the fields of leadership, entrepreneurship, environment, civic engagement, public service, and youth empowerment. Aditya earned Master of Science in International Management with Merit from the Department of Strategy and Organisation, and Gold Level Certificate in Entrepreneurship from the Hunter Centre of Enterprise, Strathclyde Business School, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow. He also served as the President of Bharat Sansthan (India Society) at the university in the year 2014-15. He earned Bachelor of Commerce (Honours) majoring in Finance and Marketing from the University of Delhi. Aditya is currently serving as a Mentor of Change – Atal Innovation Mission, NITI Aayog; Member, Harvard Business Review Advisory Board; Member, MIT Technology Review Global Panel and served as a Teach for India Fellow to eliminate education inequity in India. Publications

< Back Purvaja Modak Purvaja Modak is an Associate Fellow at the Centre For Social and Economic Progress, New Delhi. Her research focuses on issues of geoeconomics – global economic governance, international trade and finance, economic diplomacy and multilateral financial institutions. She has previously worked as a Non-Resident Senior Research Fellow at the Boston University Global Development Policy Centre in Boston, USA, as the Programme Manager for Business and Policy at the Asia Society India Centre in Mumbai, as a Research Fellow, International Relations – Geoeconomics at the Centre for Public Policy Research (CPPR) in Kochi and as a Researcher for Geoeconomic Studies and the Manager of the Research Office at Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations, a Mumbai based foreign policy think tank working at the intersection of business and foreign policy. She was a fellow at the 2nd G20 Global Leadership Programme 2019, hosted by the Korean Development Institute (KDI) and the Korean Ministry of Strategy and Finance. Purvaja has also held Research Assistant and Research Associate positions in her academic departments at both Bachelors and Masters levels. She holds a Masters degree in Economics (MA) from the University of Mumbai with a focus on international trade, finance and regional monetary arrangements and a Bachelors Degree in Economics (BA) from Jai Hind College, Mumbai. Publications US-India Trade Relations: To the Next Level: https://www.cppr.in/policy-briefs/us-india-trade-relations-to-the-next-level Three ‘I’s influence G20’s Discourse https://www.cppr.in/articles/three-is-influence-g20s-discourse FATF’s Scrutiny and What Non-Compliance Means: https://www.cppr.in/articles/fatfs-scrutiny-and-what-non-compliance-means

< Back Mr Manoj Kewalramani Manoj Kewalramani is currently serving as the Chairperson of the Indo-Pacific Studies Programme, and as Fellow, China Studies, at the Takshashila Institute, Bangalore. He is also the host of Takshashila’s daily public policy podcast. He has formerly been a non-resident Senior Associate (Freeman Chair in China Studies), at the Center for Strategic & International Studies, Washington D.C. He has published several book chapters and research reports on Chinese, Indian, and US foreign policies. His most recent book, published by Bloomsbury in 2021, is titled, ‘Smokeless War: China's Quest for Geopolitical Dominance’. His articles have also been published by media outlets such as NDTV, WION, Al-Jazeera, CGTN and The Diplomat. Publications Ideology in Xi’s China: The role of nationalism: https://www.hindustantimes.com/opinion/ideology-in-xi-s-china-the-role-of-nationalism-101634711059153.html For CCP, the era of seeking strength: https://www.manojkewalramani.com/post/for-ccp-the-era-of-seeking-strength The role of ideology in Xi Jinping’s China: https://takshashila.org.in/the-role-of-ideology-in-xi-jinpings-china/

Volume 2, Issue 1 (Jan-June) 2024 ISSN: 3049-1800 10 June 2024 Indo-Pacific Review’s second issue centres around the theme “Building a Sustainable Indo-Pacific.” A densely populated region at varied economic development stages, disproportionately vulnerable to climate change and increasing natural hazards, the Indo-Pacific’s need for sustainable development remains pressing, and room for innovative thinking is equally increasing. The second issue of Indo-Pacific Review seeks to both define the various social, human, economic, and environmental dimensions of sustainability in the Indo-Pacific and explore various pathways to creating a more sustainable region. This Issue welcomes novel and broader definitions (s) of “sustainability,” that touch on the environmental, human, and state-level implications of the term. Article List Indo-Pacific Review Vol 2 ISSUE 1 (JAN-JUNE) Guest Editor- Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva Download Article Guest Editor's Note Guest Editor: Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva Download Article Expert Commentary: Just Energy Transitions in the Indo-Pacific: A Case for a Gender- Transformative Agenda Dr Dhanasree Jayaram and Kurnica Bhattacharjee Download Article Expert Commentary: Impact of Deep-Sea Mining on Australia's Relationships in the Pacific Elizabeth Morison Download Article South-led Governance for a Southern Commodity: The Case for Indonesian and Indian Leadership in Palm Oil Sustainability Transitions Dr Helena Varkkey and Dr Shofwan Choiruzzad Download Article Can Small Modular Reactors and Floating Nuclear Power Plants Become an Innovative Option for Sustainable Indo-Pacific? Shwe Yee Oo Download Article India and the Indo-Pacific: Harnessing the Blue Economy Potential Oorja Tapan Download Article Towards a Sustainable Bay of Bengal Region: A Divergence from Regional Security to Human-Environment Sustainability Approach Dr. Marufa Akter and Subaita Fairooz Download Article Climate-Induced Migration and Refugees in Understanding Sustainable Development in the Indo-Pacific Dr Nanda Kishor MS Download Article Book Review: Maritime Security Complexes of the Indo-Pacific Region Ankit Tiwari Download Article

< Back Dr Sabine Kapasi Dr. Sabine Kapasi is a gynaecologist and a health policy and governance strategy lead. She has worked with several health care businesses and projects in public and private sector industries. Studied data strategy from The Wharton School, HBS, and Stern NYU. She advise the government of 5 states on health policy, the office of the PS health GOI, and the US department of state. She has worked with the United Nations Disaster Assessment and Coordination (UNDAC) as part of the pre-first responders' team. She worked in several crisis areas, standardizing governance interventions and mapping connections of supply lines of food, defense and healthcare with help from on-the-ground intelligence assets, and negotiating the safe passage for the movement of essential supplies in conflict and calamity regions. She worked in conflict regions of DRC, Peru, Venezuela, South Korea, Egypt, Iraq, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Poland, Estonia, and Kazakhstan. She is excited about her existing work with new emerging technologies in healthcare, health services, health financing and several areas of health education. She believes that technology integration is the key to make the healthcare system more responsive and economical. Publications

a8e981dc-8cb2-49da-a825-c8039b5fb4ea < All op-eds Understanding/Evaluating the Indo Pacific Economic Framework Purvaja Modak Understanding/Evaluating the Indo Pacific Economic Framework The Indo Pacific region is emerging as the new theatre of command today with countries coming together to ensure a free, open, fair, inclusive, interconnected, resilient, secure, and prosperous region. While geopolitical factors are at play in the region, an aggressive China is furthering its economic ambitions and uncertainties like the COVID-19 pandemic have caused massive disruptions to trade, commerce and livelihoods. Recent events have proven that the study of the region’s prospects and problems is incomplete without an assessment of the economic interlinkages between the countries of the region. These interlinkages will bring about economic growth and development in the region and create jobs. Economic competitiveness can be fostered by the sharing of technology, supporting innovation, strengthening the digital economy, promoting energy security and resolving the climate crisis. The need to evaluate the economic dimensions was felt by the leaders of the Indo Pacific countries and thus, the “Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity’’ was officially launched by United States President Joe Biden and leaders of 12 regional countries (namely Australia, Brunei, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam) on May 23, 2022, in Tokyo, Japan. This framework also comes about five years after the United States withdrew from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and can be viewed as the US’ way of reasserting its economic engagement in the region to counter China’s economic manoeuvres. The four pillars of the IPEF are: 1) Fair and resilient trade; 2) Supply chain resilience; 3) Clean economy - Infrastructure, clean energy, and decarbonization; 4) Fair economy - Tax and anti-corruption The IPEF follows a decentralised approach by which countries can join and participate in negotiations for any number of the four pillars instead of the regular approach of signing on to all the clauses of an all-encompassing agreement. This approach brings flexibility to the process of negotiation allowing countries to be a part of such a robust framework while only accepting the rules they find appropriate. However, the countries must agree on all aspects covered by each pillar that they join. Another interesting fact about the IPEF that distinguishes itself from other geoeconomic instruments is that it is not a traditional trade agreement but will work as an Executive Order that does not need congressional approval in the United States. This may help avoid delays and political implications that accompany the domestic ratification of trade agreements. The Biden administration has indicated that it hopes to conclude the Executive Agreement by the end of 2023 when the United States will host APEC and before the stir of the US presidential election takes over. Thus, the IPEC will hopefully not fall prey to political ambitions, that often trump economic decision making. However, critics say that the nature of the framework will cause its progress to remain unchecked, leading to a tardy pace of negotiations along with a lack of appropriate enforcement mechanisms. There is also a scare that the next US president may pull out of the IPEF, leaving it without any credible leadership. After a few initial virtual meetings on the IPEF since May 2022, United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai and United States Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo co-hosted an in person IPEF Ministerial in Los Angeles, California on September 8-9, 2022 to flesh out the pillars of the framework and for countries to select the pillars on which they will enter negotiations. The detailed pillars of the framework are at the moment as follows: Trade Pillar : focusses on the provisions and initiatives related to nine key issues: labour, environment, digital economy, agriculture, transparency and good regulatory practices, competition policy, trade facilitation, inclusivity, and technical assistance and cooperation. Supply Chains Pillar : focusses on finding ways to forecast, withstand and recover from supply chain disruptions in the following ways: establishing criteria for critical sectors and goods, increasing resiliency and investment in critical sectors and goods, establishing an information-sharing and crisis response mechanism, strengthening supply chain logistics, enhancing the role of workers, and improving supply chain transparency. Clean Economy Pillar : focusses on working jointly to pursue provisions and initiatives as part of a future oriented effort that expands market opportunities, spurs innovation and growth, and improves livelihoods during the process of energy transition in the areas of : energy security and transition; greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reductions in priority sectors; sustainable land, water, and ocean solutions; innovative technologies for GHG removal; and incentives to enable the clean economy transition. Fair Economy Pillar : focusses on working jointly to pursue provisions and initiatives as part of individual and collective efforts to innovate and strengthen approaches to implementing anti-corruption and tax measures to boost flows of trade, commerce and investment in the areas of: anticorruption, tax, capacity building and innovation, and cooperation, inclusive collaboration, and transparency. India’s position With the exception of India, all IPEF participants joined all four pillars—a credible feat for any country leading global negotiations and also an indicator of interest from participating countries to engage with the United States on economic issues. India has indicated that it does not agree with the current provisions on trade, digital governance, data security and privacy, binding environment and labour provisions, that directly conflict with its stated position. While India is crafting its own digital framework and laws, it would like to wait for more information on commitments required on environment, labour, digital trade and public procurement as the negotiations progress. It has indicated that, while it will continue its engagement on the trade pillar, it may take a definitive view and may decide on signing on to it at a later stage. India, on environmental issues has always maintained that developed countries should pitch in their support to developing countries on funding, investment and clean technology, as they make climate related commitments. In the IPEF as well, India may wish to wait out and see how negotiations progress on this aspect. This was indicated by India’s Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal at a press briefing following the IPEF ministerial meeting where he also said, “We have to see what benefits member countries will derive and whether any conditionalities on aspects like environment may discriminate against developing countries who have the imperative to provide low cost and affordable energy to meet the needs of our growing economy”. As India is negotiating FTAs with partner countries like the UK, Canada and the EU, and hopes to renegotiate existing FTAs with South Korea, Japan, Singapore etc, in which these issues will also feature, India may want to ensure that commitments to the IPEF do not become a precedent for the negotiation and renegotiation of these other agreements and so prefers to wait it out. India should evaluate its position on the Trade pillar carefully especially since the international trade scenario is gaining momentum, with ongoing reforms at the WTO, the rethinking of India’s own FTA framework and India’s upcoming G20 presidency of 2023 where trade and economic discussions will take centre stage and some of these issues will come up for consideration under India’s leadership. Next steps for the IPEF Within six months of its launch, IPEF has shown considerable progress. The detailing of the four pillars has given it shape and character and the first round of negotiations on each pillar will take place soon, as indicated by Ambassador Katherine Tai in her official statements at the September ministerial meeting. The participating countries need to be clear on issues like financing, investment, technical knowhow and long-term commitment and leadership, required to make the IPEF a success. Whether IPEF’s informal nature will be an advantage or an impediment, is another issue to consider. While the US aims at concluding the IPEF negotiations by November 2023, ahead of its hosting of the APEC Leaders’ Meeting, this ambitious timeline could prove challenging. Following a promising launch and a successful Ministerial meeting, attention now turns to how effective the negotiations will be and how the US administration can entice participating countries in the region to remain engaged and make mutually agreeable commitments. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

< Back Dr Froilan Calilung Froilan C. Calilung is a Professor at the Faculty of Arts and Letters (Department of Political Science) in the University of Santo Tomas, Philippines, handling Politics and Governance courses. He is also a part time Political consultant for the Presidential Legislative Liaison Office, and a Campaign Strategist (Public Relations) both at the local and national levels. His research areas include Peace Processes, Political Dynamics and Local Government, and his most recent publication is titled, ‘Weighting in on the China Factor in the 2019 elections’ and ‘Investing in the Future , an assessment of Special Education Fund among LGUs’, funded by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Germany. Publications

Online Courses Regional Pedagogy For the Indo-Pacific: 10 Lecture Course "The Indo-Pacific—far beyond a term, and more than a “geopolitical construct”, as some might argue—is emerging as one of the most consequential regions shaping 21st-century geopolitics." and this course is your guide to understanding the region and exploring how it’s reshaping our world." Going Live Soon

Dr. Christian Wagner is a Senior Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin. Formerly, he was also a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Development Research, University of Bonn. christian.wagner@swp-berlin.org < Back Dr. Christian Wagner Christian Wagner is Senior Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in Berlin. He obtained his M.A. and PhD from Albert-Ludwigs-University Freiburg. From 1996 to 2001 he was Assistant Professor at the Institute of Political Science and Administrative Studies at Rostock University. From 2001 to 2002 he was a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Development Research at the University of Bonn. He is a member of the European Association for South Asian Studies (EASAS) and the German Association for Asian Studies (DGA) where he was of the board of directors from 2007 to 2013. From 2007 to 2014 he was head of the Research Division Asia at SWP. In 2015/16 he was a Visiting Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF), the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute for Advanced Studies (JNIAS) and at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) in New Delhi. In 2019, he was Visiting Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS) at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2019. Since 2018 he is a member of the International Research Committee (IRC) of the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS) in Colombo. His main areas of interest are India, South Asia and the Indo-Pacific with a special focus on foreign policy and security issues. christian.wagner@swp-berlin.org