SEARCH RESULTS

27bbe719-7484-45a9-82ac-e77b90010a68 < All op-eds Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Treesa Shaju This blog has been republished from 9DashLine with permission. Worsening climate vulnerabilities and more opportunities in terms of climate cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region have spurred a series of national, regional, and multilateral climate action initiatives in recent years, including the ASEAN Climate Change Strategic Action Plan (ACCSAP) 2023-2030 and Quad Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation Package (Q-CHAMP). Despite recognising the need for urgency in climate action, as well as the various approaches and strategies to tackling climate vulnerabilities, many of these initiatives do not go the extra mile to delineate the question(s) of differentiated vulnerabilities and capacities. At this point, there is a considerable gap in acknowledging, assessing, and tackling the intersectional aspects of these climate vulnerabilities. Defining intersectionality in the climate context Intersectionality entails recognising the complex interplay of discriminatory or oppressive conditions that individuals may encounter due to their intersecting identities. For instance, an indigenous queer woman may simultaneously experience discrimination rooted in her gender, sexuality, and indigenous heritage. In the realm of climate change-related discourse, structural inequity (mostly defined in terms of disparity in vulnerabilities, capacities, etc., that result from certain discriminatory practices by individuals, collectivities/societies, systems/institutions, and so on) has often been viewed through narrow lenses. For example, in recent times, initiatives such as the Gender Action Plan of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) have acknowledged the gender-specific impacts of climate change but do not necessarily pay much attention to the intra-gender disparities in how climate change affects different groups. Such a unidimensional approach overlooks the concurrent influences of an individual’s intersecting identities. Conducting research and writing policy without acknowledging these intersecting dimensions risks decontextualising vulnerabilities/capacities and isolating climate actions and initiatives in a silo. Taking an intersectional approach to climate change recognises the interconnected and interwoven nature of social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural issues in the formulation of climate change policies and strategies. Intersectional climate vulnerabilities in the Indo-Pacific The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities, including ocean acidification, extreme weather events, rising sea levels, freshwater scarcity, infrastructural vulnerabilities and more. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Those disproportionately affected by climate change often possess multiple identities that are discriminated against in the region. These discriminatory practices are based on income/resources, education/knowledge, gender, ethnicity, religion, disability, and more. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Climate vulnerabilities are additionally underpinned by gender-based or influenced differentiations about land ownership, labour and resource distribution, and decision-making power. Women are often more dependent on natural resources, through gender-segregated tasks such as collecting water and firewood and small-scale sustenance farming. Experts have also linked the impact of climate change-induced water and food shortages with a rise in domestic violence against women . Additionally, LGBTQIA+ individuals and individuals with disabilities are particularly vulnerable, facing an elevated risk of marginalisation and violence, often experiencing neglect in disaster situations and subsequent responses. An intersectional approach to climate action and cooperation could address these disparities. Climate action in the Indo-Pacific Within the Indo-Pacific, countries face differentiated impacts of climate change . For example, island nations face an existential risk from sea level rise, coastal inundation, saltwater intrusion, and other climate impacts. Similarly, countries with huge coastal cities and populations also face these risks. Many countries in the region are threatened by drought and desertification. The lack of climate resilience among populations and infrastructure would demand greater attention (policies, resources, etc.) from countries and regional and multilateral organisations alike. Climate cooperation initiatives in the Indo-Pacific are essential for addressing the urgent challenges of climate change and fostering resilience among the region’s diverse countries. A notable example is the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) , in which low-lying island nations collaborate to advocate for global climate action, emphasising the need for major emitters to reduce their emissions (especially in the Global North), mobilising finances for adaptation measures, and seeking loss and damage compensation. Similarly, the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) promotes sustainable development and cooperation in the Indian Ocean region, including climate resilience efforts. Sector-specific initiatives also exist, such as the ASEAN Climate Resilience Network , which is targeted at agricultural adaptation (and exploring mitigation potential as a secondary priority) in the Southeast Asian region that is highly dependent on this sector for economic development. These initiatives, among others, underscore the importance of regional and multilateral cooperation to mitigate the impacts of climate change and build a sustainable future for the Indo-Pacific. Some of these initiatives are embracing more inclusive and responsive structures by integrating gender inclusivity into their frameworks. Locating gender in existing climate action and cooperation The Pacific Islands Forum, through the 66th session for the Commission for Status of Women (CSW66), mentions gender inclusion in terms of climate resilience in a broader sense while acknowledging gender-based violence in their societies. Centring women and girls in climate resilience efforts while seeking to intervene in violence against women and girls (VAWG), gender-based violence (GBV), and domestic violence (DV) can be understood as an intersectional approach to building climate resilience. Another initiative that opts for a partially intersectional lens is the Quad’s Guidelines for Quad Partnership on Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) in the Indo-Pacific. These guidelines mention the need for the inclusion of women and girls in decision-making and the advancement of gender equality in the context of HADR. Refreshingly, the guidelines have also introduced regulations to actively centre disabled individuals during crises. However, there is still less evidence of the use of fundamental transformative approaches that take the full spectrum view of intersectionality, such as a non-binary approach to gender, ethnicity, religion, class, and race, which continues to lead to an invisibilisation of various marginalised groups from the decision-making processes. Most multilateral climate policies in the region largely fail to acknowledge the significance of gender-responsive or gender-transformative climate action as a vital strategy (that leaves no one behind) to address climate change. Hence, a widely employed intersectional approach is still a way off in this context. This is hindering the comprehensive and effective mitigation of climate-related concerns, as it overlooks the unique vulnerabilities and perspectives of women and other marginalised groups. A more inclusive approach that acknowledges the integral role of gender equity and justice in fostering sustainable climate action is the need of the hour, as it ensures that the concerns and contributions of all individuals, regardless of gender, are taken into account in the pursuit of socio-ecological resilience and sustainability. The representation of women in formal climate change-related decision-making processes remains notably limited across the world, including in the Indo-Pacific. According to estimates , in Asia and the Pacific “only 7 per cent of all environment-related ministries (comprising agriculture, crude oil, climate change, energy, fisheries, irrigation, marine resources, mines, rural development, transportation, and others) have a female minister, compared to a global average of 12 per cent”. As a result, the valuable insights and multifaceted concerns of women are frequently marginalised during the formulation and implementation of climate change policies. Moreover, roles in disaster risk reduction (DRR) response efforts are also predominantly occupied by men, often confining their consultations primarily to male community leaders and constituents. This exclusionary pattern is in contrast with the reality that in most communities (especially indigenous communities ) women are knowledge custodians, expected to pass down their knowledge to future generations. The resulting lack of decision-making agency for women within climate action and cooperation inhibits indigenous and rural women from harnessing their knowledge to contribute to sustainability solutions. Integrating gender responsiveness and intersectionality into climate action in the Indo-Pacific Intersectionality in climate governance would signify an approach that recognises the complex interplay of social identities, vulnerabilities, and inequalities when addressing climate change impacts and policies. The approach would seek inclusivity by considering factors such as gender, disability, socioeconomic status, race, and ethnicity across the varying cultures of the Indo-Pacific. Such an approach would also require strong policies addressing poverty alleviation, caste or race-based discrimination, gender-based violence, and disability rights, among others. Intersectionality cannot be implemented in a vacuum. Several countries in the region, including Indonesia, have gradually begun to integrate intersectional approaches into their national climate policies. Indonesia’s commitment to disability rights and inclusion, exemplified in its National Action Plan for Climate Change Adaptation (RANAPI), serves as a model. It includes disabled-friendly infrastructure and involves disabled people’s organisations and civil society actors in policy development. Moreover, non-state initiatives, such as the Pacific Gender and Climate Change Toolkit , are examples of intersectional practices that prioritise equity, ensuring climate initiatives are responsive to the unique vulnerabilities and strengths of diverse communities. The benefits of adopting an intersectional approach in climate cooperation include enhanced equity, more effective adaptation strategies, reduced conflicts, and improved community resilience. In view of these benefits, there has clearly been a greater acknowledgement of the importance of embracing intersectionality in addressing climate change-related challenges among the various stakeholders of climate action across the Indo-Pacific region. It is crucial for stakeholders involved in climate governance to enhance the momentum through more sustained and institutional efforts towards designing and implementing context-specific and inclusive intersectional climate action in the region. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

ad962a86-2122-4a05-84f0-204f1a35af06 < All op-eds Mapping Timor-Leste in ASEAN’s Indo-Pacific Outreach: Challenge or an Opportunity? Mr Satria Rizaldi Alchatib Timor Leste’s formal admission to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at the 41st ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh last year as an observer came after a long wait. Since its independence in 2002, Timor Leste had nurtured aspirations for an ASEAN membership. After a long eleven-year journey of negotiations, in September 2022 the country was granted “in principle” approval to join ASEAN. More recently, at the 42nd ASEAN Summit in Indonesia, ASEAN even adopted a roadmap for Timor Leste to become a full member. Prospects seem bright for Timor Leste’s full membership in ASEAN by September 2023. In this long journey, Timor Leste has faced mixed reactions to its bid for membership ranging from strong support to outright rejection. While the majority of ASEAN member states have favoured Timor Leste’s accession, in the past Laos and Singapore have expressed strong apprehensions, owing to the stark economic gap between Timor Leste and other members. Accounting for the lowest GDP per capita in South-East Asia, Timor Leste is arguably economically the most fragile country in the region. Nevertheless, the country’s full membership holds great significance when ASEAN seeks to expand its regional influence. The crucial question, therefore, is: What does this mean for ASEAN regionalism? Indonesia has consistently supported Timor Leste’s efforts to gain full membership in the ASEAN. Coming from a difficult relationship after Timor-Leste's separation from Indonesia in 1999, Indonesia’s support indicates an intention to develop a friendlier regional ecosystem and to make ASEAN a more rule-based international order. The long-established interpersonal ties between President Jose Ramos Horta, with various prominent figures in Indonesia including reformist president Abdurrahman Wahid also have a role to play in this. Having Indonesia as a front supporter is crucial to strengthen Timor-Leste’s presence in the ASEAN. As Indonesia is the current ASEAN chair, Timor Leste has a golden opportunity to push its bid for membership and must work on building multi-track diplomatic channels with Indonesia that will allow the country to populate particularly in B to B and CSO settings and drive its membership agenda. As outlined by Indonesian president and ASEAN chair Joko Widodo, agenda settings under his leadership will have to revolve around the implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and the Five-Point Consensus , a written commitment to resolve the protracted situation in Myanmar. These are unequivocally the key deliverables in meeting the ASEAN’s long-term vision in Indo-Pacific. Through this firm standard, member-states are expected to deliver through cooperation and reduce tension in realizing what lies at the core of AOIP, namely maritime security and the blue economy. In helping ASEAN achieve the five-point consensus peace plan for Myanmar, Timor-Leste has shown a progressive move by articulating its support for the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar. Before regaining his current presidency, President Ramos-Horta partnered with a former Indonesian ambassador to convene a Joint Declaration on the Crisis in Myanmar. This was an essential move in terms of aligning perception and closing the gap at the civil society level. More importantly, it was a progressive endeavor to reaffirm Timor-Leste’s identity as a part of the ASEAN family. Given, Timor Leste’s geo-strategic location on the southernmost edge of the Indonesian archipelago, northwest of Australia, it will be interesting to see how the country’s potential full membership inclusion will shape ASEAN’s Indo-Pacific outlook. However, Timor-Leste’s capacity to commit to the AOIP agenda will be limited. The document was a response to the emerging multilateral arrangements involving key regional players—such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD) and AUKUS (Australia, US, and UK trilateral security pact)—through non-violent and non-militaristic development exercises to meet sub-regional priorities in maritime connectivity, economic security, and sustainable development goals (SDG’s). This is where it is difficult for Timor-Leste to maintain its relevance in the AOIP framework due to its slow-progressive economic development to achieve regional SDG metrics. Timor-Leste's accession to ASEAN is principally and inevitably correct. However, needless to say, ASEAN needs a better economic and security posture in these challenging times and Timor-Leste’s admission will not be enough. Nevertheless, Timor-Leste requires a status transition to a full member as it will contribute to a more positive tone of inclusivity in the region. To bolster its commitment, Timor-Leste should start highlighting its humanitarian contribution to the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management and be more vocal in its position on Myanmar. This would send a clear message about whether or not Dili is fully onboard with the rest of the ASEAN members. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

749f5a1c-ebaa-4a45-8f3f-43364e9e4ee6 < All op-eds India’s G20 Presidency and the Future of Indian Leadership in International Affairs Don McLain Gill As the initial phase of the G20 continues to unfold, India has been demonstrating its deep understanding of the transitions taking place in the international power structure. While multipolarity has increasingly become a buzzword among commentators of international politics. It is crucial to conceptually decipher what it practically means for India’s leadership and the future of international geopolitical affairs. The most prominent characteristic of multipolarity rests on the nature of the dispersion of power in the international system. Accordingly, the potential emergence of new poles will not only significantly reorient the way states engage, but also how key regional and international issues are perceived and prioritized. Consequently, shifts in the distribution of power will also create shocks within traditional sources of power given the fluctuations of state influence and what they entail for the shaping of international narratives. However, today’s transition towards multipolarity should not only be analyzed through the lens of material power. Rather, the dynamism of state perception towards the established order also presents itself as an equally crucial determinant of what to expect in the years to come, particularly in line with inter-state cooperation and competition. This year’s G20 comes at a time of critical traditional and non-traditional security challenges that continue to plague the international system, albeit in varying degrees. Consequently, the finance and foreign ministers meeting at the G20 witnessed stark disagreements and divergences, particularly in line with the war in Ukraine. While such disagreements were expected, given the presence of ministers from the Western states and Russia, such an occurrence also reflected the rigid and binary approaches of particular states towards international affairs. Hence, the adamant nature of engagement between both sides has resulted in the inability of all members to maximize the potential of such a crucial platform, which seeks to provide solutions and address multi-dimensional challenges that are impacting the world today. It is this worrying international trend that highlights the need for an equitable voice. On the day of the foreign ministers' meeting, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a bold and pressing statement by emphasising how no group in the international system can claim leadership by side-lining and overlooking the plight, vulnerabilities, and sensitivity of the developing world. It is this difficult nature of political polarization at the expense of the interests of the silent majority, that the Indian Prime Minister seeks to rectify. India, under the Modi Government, has illustrated its steadfast commitment to play a bigger and more proactive role in translating its rise into a practical form of leadership. Being the world’s largest democracy, whose external engagements revolve around the centrality of international law, India’s growing accumulation of robust material capabilities will be grounded on its willingness to work within the established rules-based order. However, as a rising great power, India’s leadership will also draw on its history, principles, and experiences as a civilizational state. Such attributes will not only supplement the established order, but also pragmatically reform it. On the same day, External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar echoed this by indicating how the United Nations has become increasingly unable to address and represent contemporary realities. India seeks to draw on its pluralistic, inclusive, and democratically driven national attributes to project a kind of leadership that understands the complex yet necessary balance between diversity, development, and security. Moreover, India continues to endeavour to contribute equitable solutions to the plight of the developing world, given the increasingly worrying tendencies of marginalizing it due to the polarising dynamics of international geopolitics. Accordingly, the past few years witnessed more active participation by India in various political, security, and economic centered multilateral institutions across the world – including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), The Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA), the Quad, and the G7 – to contribute towards a sustainable international political-economic outlook that banks on a people-centric, democratically motivated, and equitable approach. Furthermore, India has also spearheaded key initiatives such as the recent Voice of Global South Summit to provide a necessary platform for developing states to shape international narratives beyond the traditional locus of power. In addition, the establishment of a Global South Centre of Excellence will be India’s proactive contribution towards cultivating an avenue for engagement not only between state leaders but also members of civil society and epistemic communities to collectively pave a way forward for sustainable development, security, and stability. Furthermore, the way India continues to deal with various international security issues has also garnered the support of states across the developing world. Therefore, such examples, including the ongoing G20 presidency, provide a window to the future of India’s increasing leadership role in the world. However, several external and internal factors may continue to challenge or delay India’s rise. From the unwillingness of traditional sources of power to compromise to the parallel rise of an assertive China. However, such challenges also provide an opportunity for New Delhi to pragmatically recalibrate its policies to better position itself at the forefront of international affairs at a time of great geopolitical turbulence. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

e1dc05d7-3948-4a86-b220-e490949df3a4 < All op-eds The Indo-Pacific – a European Perspective Dr. Christian Wagner The Indo-Pacific will be the main theatre in the emerging systemic rivalry between the United States and China. This has also initiated a fundamental change in Europe’s perception of the region. For a long time, Europe - i.e. the European Union (EU) and its member states - have seen the region mostly as an economic opportunity. Europe is among the largest investors in the region and one of its most important trading partners. Germany conducts more than 20 percent of its trade with countries of the Indo-Pacific. The EU as the largest trading bloc has an overarching interest in the Indo-Pacific which will be shaped by multilateralism and a rules-based order rather than by great power competition. The Indo-Pacific strategy of the EU that builds on similar documents from France, Germany, and the Netherlands signals a geopolitical and geo-economic shift towards the region. Traditionally, the EU has its strength in the field of soft power rather than in hard power. Accordingly, the priority areas are: sustainable and inclusive prosperity, green transition, ocean governance, digital governance and partnerships, connectivity, human security, but also security and defence. The EU also aims at a stronger security role, for instance by coordinating future European naval presence in the region. European naval powers like France and the United Kingdom have traditionally been present in the Indo-Pacific. The mission of the German frigate Bayern underlines Germany’s new commitment to contribute to security in the region. Moreover, the EU plans to expand its CRIMARIO project in the Western Indian Ocean to other parts of the Indo-Pacific. Europe’s engagement in the Indo-Pacific will also be an important test case for its ambitions for sovereignty and strategic autonomy and its quest to become a global power. Europe faces various challenges. A first challenge will be to increase Europe’s visibility in the region. Countries like France, which is a resident power in the region, will follow different approaches compared to Germany or the Netherlands. So Europe’s approach to the region will be a differentiated rather than a unified one. Second, Europe has to provide proper resources. The EU’s Global Gateway strategy aims to mobilise 300 billion Euros until 2027. This would allow the EU to offer viable alternatives for infrastructure projects. Third, Europe and its member states will have to adapt to the emerging architecture in the region. Many regional organisations have lost importance in recent years whereas mini-lateral formats like Quad have gained importance. This is a challenge for the EU and countries like Germany which have traditionally been strong protagonists of regional organisations. The new connectivity agreements with established partners like India and Japan underline Europe’s ambitions to become a stronger player in the region. Europe’s economic strength will be an important contribution to the future of a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific. One of the main challenges will be to find a common, coherent and sustained approach among its members. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

EDITORIAL BOARD Dr HAPPYMON JACOB EDITOR-IN-CHIEF happymon@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council For Strategic and Defense Research, a new-age think-tank based in New Delhi. Dr Jacob is also an Associate Professor of Diplomacy and Disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). CAPT. SARABJEET S PARMAR EDITOR- INDO-PACIFIC ssparmar@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Capt Parmar is a Distinguished Fellow at CSDR and supports CSDR’s work on Indo-Pacific, Maritime Security and the Indian Ocean Region. PROF. JAGANNATH PANDA EDITOR-INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION jpanda@isdp.eu Institutional Profile Prof. Jagannath Panda is the Head of the Stockholm Center for South Asian and Indo-Pacific Affairs (SCSA-IPA). He is also the Executive Editor for ISDP. Dr. Panda is a Professor at the Department of Regional and Global Studies at the University of Warsaw. VAdm ANIL K CHAWLA EDITOR-MARITIME AFFAIRS akchawlanav@csdronline.com Institutional Profile VAdm Anil K Chawla is the former Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief Southern Naval Command and a Distinguished Fellow at CSDR. RIVA GANGULY DAS EDITOR- FOREIGN POLICY riva@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Ambassador Das is a Distinguished Fellow at the Council For Strategic and Defense Research (CSDR, New Delhi). She joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1986. She has served as High Commissioner to Bangladesh and Ambassador to Romania, Albania and Moldova and has served as Consul General in Shanghai and New York. Before her retirement she was Secretary (East) in the Ministry of External Affairs. DR GAURAV SAINI EXECUTIVE EDITOR gauravsaini@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Dr. Gaurav Saini is co-founder of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research, a new-age think-tak based in New Delhi.

CIRCLE MEMBERS Find an expert Anehi Mundra Read More Aswani RS Read More Brendon J Cannon Read More Don McLain Gill Read More Dr Sabine Kapasi Read More Dr Vilashini Somiah Read More Dr A. Subramanyam Raju Read More Dr Ajith Balasooriya Read More Dr Amrita Jash Read More Dr Amrita Sen Read More Dr Anand V Read More Dr Angana Guha Roy Read More Dr Anil P Read More Dr Ashik Bonofer Read More Dr Athiqah Nur Alami Read More Dr Benjamin Yew Hoong Loh Read More Dr Bhagya Senaratne Read More Dr C Vinodan Read More Dr Choong Pui Yee Read More Dr Chow Bing Ngeow Read More Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Read More Dr Froilan Calilung Read More Dr Gazala Fareedi Read More Dr Hasith Kandaudahewa Read More Dr Helena Varkkey Read More Dr Josukutty Abraham Read More Dr Justin Joseph Read More Dr Kaustav Padmapati Read More Dr Kittipos Phuttivanich Read More Dr Ladhu Choudhary Read More Dr Lina Gong Read More Dr Madhumati Deshpande Read More Dr Marufa Akter Read More Dr Medha Bisht Read More Dr Moch Faisal Karim Read More Dr Nanda Kishor Read More Dr Nansi Paulraj Read More Dr Niloy Ranjan Biswas Read More Dr Pavithra Jayawardena Read More Dr Premesha Saha Read More Dr Priya Suresh Read More Dr Ramya Panuganty Read More Dr Samuwel Chaminda Padmakumara Read More Dr Sana Hashmi Read More Dr Shaheli Das Read More Dr Sharinee L Jagtiani Read More Dr Shelly Johny V. Read More Dr Shofwan Choiruzzad Read More Dr Shreya Upadhyay Read More Dr Sitakanta Mishra Read More Dr Sriparna Pathak Read More Dr Tanvi Kulkarni Read More Dr Uma Purushothaman Read More Dr Ying Hooi Khoo Read More Elizabeth Morison Read More Genevieve Bridget May Read More Kei Hakata Read More Lucio III Blanco Pitlo Read More Md. Nahiyan Shajid Khan Read More Mr A.S.M. Tarek Hassan Read More Mr Abhijeet Kumar Read More Mr Abhivardhan Read More Mr Aditya Singh Read More Mr Angshuman Choudhury Read More Mr Anilesh Tewari Read More Mr Anurag Mishra Read More Mr Arjun Gargeyas Read More Mr Ashok Alex Luke Read More Mr Balasubramanian Chandrashekar Read More Mr Cyriac S Pampackal Read More Mr Gaurav Sen Read More Mr Gazi Hassan Read More Mr Gujjeti Anudeep Read More Mr Kunal Mandal Read More Mr Manoj Kewalramani Read More Mr Nahian Reza Sabriet Read More Mr Paras Ratna Read More Mr Rahul Rawat Read More Mr Saneet Chakradeo Read More Mr Sarral Sharma Read More Mr Satria Rizaldi Alchatib Read More Mr Sivendra Michael Read More Mr Sujeet Kumar Read More Mr Thong Mengdavid Read More Mr Vidyadhar Anand Prabhudesai Read More Mr Vishal Rajput Read More Mr Won Deuk Cho Read More Mrs Sinduja Umandi Wickramasinghe Jayaratne Read More Ms Aakriti Sethi Read More Ms Aarshi Tirkey Read More Ms Anoosha Panwar Read More Ms Eerishika Pankaj Read More Ms Gayathri Iyer Read More Ms Irene Chan Read More Ms Jane Chan Read More Ms Khyati Singh Read More Ms Moitrayee Sengupta Read More Ms Munira Mustaffa Read More Ms Oorja Tapan Read More Ms Parul Bakshi Read More

EDITORIAL TEAM Executive Editor: Dr. Gaurav Saini Dr. Gaurav Saini is the co-founder and Head of Operations and Strategy at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Read More Editor-In-Chief: Dr. Happymon Jacob Dr. Happymon Jacob is the Founder and Director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Read More Associate Editor: Amba Wattal Amba is a Program Associate at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Amba holds a Master’s in International Studies from Symbiosis International University, Pune. Read More

< Back Dr Sutandra Singha Dr. Sutandra Singha is an enthusiastic researcher who is engaged in research in the fields of climate change vulnerability and coping-adaptive capacity analysis, climate politics, sustainable development, and geopolitics in the context of developing countries. She had been affiliated with Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, from July 2010 to September 2021 to pursue her Post Graduation (Geography), M.Phil and Doctoral studies (Climate Change). She was awarded fellowships by the Indian Government (ICSSR and UGC) to pursue her research and also received fellowships by foreign universities to attend academic events in Norway, Brazil, Italy, Sri Lanka, Russia, and Germany. Through peer-reviewed publications, Dr. Sutandra has a track record of generating impactful and innovative solutions to address climate challenges. She has contributed a research paper to the geo-archive of the CLISEL Project, KTH Sweden (Horizon 2020). She served as one of the advisory board members of the Scopus indexed journal Geopolitics of Energy (Publisher: CERI, Alberta). Also, she had been an Expert Reviewer of Chapter 18: Climate Resilient Development Pathways, SOD WGII to the IPCC 6th Assessment Report. Dr. Sutandra aspires to be a distinguished researcher in the field of climate change and wants to collaborate with researchers belonging to different parts of the world. Publications ​ ​ ​

Item List READ THE OPINIONS AND VOICES OF OUR NETWORK MEMBERS HERE! LATEST WORK Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Treesa Shaju Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultura . . . Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year . . . Read More While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is e . . . Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety . . . Read More Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated . . . Sanchari Ghosh IMEC Roadblocks: India's 'Look West' Maritime Vision Hits a Snag . . . Read More The strategic location of the Middle East at the crossroads of two continents - Asia and Europe, and India’s reliance on the Middle East for a substantial portion of its energy imports hold pivotal si . . . Dr Shelly Johny V. The Impact of A Probable Iran-Israel War On The Maritime Security of t . . . Read More The Persian Gulf region, more specifically the Gulf of Oman and the Strait of Hormuz are maritime areas on the Iranian coast over which Iran has considerable naval influence. If Iran and Israel begin . . . Dr Shelly Johny V. The Impact Of A Probable Iran-Israel War On the Maritime Security of W . . . Read More Analysing the U.S. involvement in the region, this article focuses on the impact of a probable Iran-Israel war on the maritime security of West Asia. It will also delve into the likely consequences of . . . Mr Thong Mengdavid Understanding ASEAN Blue Economy and Cambodia’s Maritime Governance Ch . . . Read More Since the establishment of ASEAN in 1967, this regional organisation has rallied tremendous efforts to promote the ASEAN’s community- building, yet there are still numerous challenges such as territor . . . Mr Satria Rizaldi Alchatib Mapping Timor-Leste in ASEAN’s Indo-Pacific Outreach: Challenge or an . . . Read More Since its independence in 2002, Timor Leste had nurtured aspirations for an ASEAN membership. More recently, at the 42nd ASEAN Summit in Indonesia, ASEAN even adopted a roadmap for Timor Leste to beco . . . Parul Bakshi Japan Eyes More Nuclear Power for Energy Security . . . Read More Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has pushed Japan to reevaluate its energy strategy once again. . . . Don McLain Gill India’s G20 Presidency and the Future of Indian Leadership in Internat . . . Read More While multipolarity has increasingly become a buzzword among commentators of international politics. It is crucial to conceptually decipher what it practically means for India’s leadership and the fut . . . Dr. Kaustav Padmapati Taiwan’s Critical Position in the Indo-Pacific: Implications for India . . . Read More The year 2022 was quite eventful for Taiwan as China did not stop its bullying tactics against the island nation and it has been building up its military offensive against it. . . . Cyriac S Pampackal US Senate Resolution on Arunachal Pradesh: A Goodwill Gesture or an Ic . . . Read More The U.S. Senate's 75th Resolution is a potential icebreaker for the process of securitizing the Indo-Pacific, with the US and India as partnering stakeholders. . . . Ratih Indraswari 5O Years of Indonesia-ROK Relations: Challenges and Opportunities . . . Read More Indonesia and the Republic of Korea(ROK) welcome the 50th bilateral anniversary this year but there are some key issues that need to be addressed for their partnership to strengthen further. . . . Ms Sanchari Ghosh India's G20 Presidency: The Effectiveness Of Its Leadership Depends On . . . Read More India can use its one-year presidency to demonstrate that it is capable of leading a broadly divided G-20 to make decisive interventions for the benefit of developed and developing states alike. . . . Mr Arjun Gargeyas The Need for Quad as a Techno-democratic Alliance in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More To check the Indo-Pacific region from becoming reliant on Chinese technology infrastructure, the Quad can collaborate to develop new technologies and produce substitutes for crucial ones that China ha . . . Dr Priya Suresh Key Takeaways from the 20th Party Congress: Its Implications for India . . . Read More The 20th Party Congress has come at a critical juncture as China embarks to construct a strong and modern socialist country. . . . Mr Aditya Singh Impact of India’s Leadership at G20 and SCO on the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More This article explores how India's ascension to a leadership role at both G20 and SCO can influence its presence in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. It also looks at some of the potential effects of . . . Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Ms Priyanka Jaiswal Can Loss and Damage Trigger Solidarity in the Indo-Pacific? . . . Read More Climate change-related extreme weather events have become the new normal in South Asia. In 2022 alone, the region witnessed a deadly heatwave (mainly in India and Pakistan) and catastrophic floods (th . . . Ms Munira Mustaffa Electoral Targeting: Lessons Learned from Digital Campaign Trails in S . . . Read More While electoral integrity, in the context of Southeast Asia, is frequently emphasised, the significance of election security preparedness in the region and the accompanying risks are not being address . . . Dr Gazala Fareedi Indo-Pacific Framework: Bridging the divide between the Global South a . . . Read More With the recent transfer of the G20 Presidency from Indonesia to India, there has been a renewed focus on the Global South. As a voice for the Global South as well as a member of the Indo-Pacific fram . . . Anurag Mishra & Paras Ratna What do the Midterm Results mean for the US Foreign Policy? . . . Read More A peculiar feature of American democracy is that it has an election every two years. The constitutional exercise, however, does not have the thunder of a presidential election as it produces little c . . . Dr. Angana Guha Roy Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: An Overview . . . Read More As more and more powers jockey for influence in the Indo-Pacific, Canada launched its long-awaited Indo-Pacific strategy implicating a shift in its foreign policy agenda. . . . Dr Choong Pui Yee Malaysia's Foreign Policy under Anwar Ibrahim: Continuities and Prosp . . . Read More After years of being the prime minister-designate, Anwar Ibrahim finally become the Prime Minister of Malaysia after the 15th general election held in November 2022.As Malaysia opens a new chapter und . . . Abhivardhan Explainable AI for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific . . . Read More While governments in the Indo-Pacific region including India focus on strengthening digital public infrastructure and emphasize on the need to develop Responsible AI ethics practices, shifting to deve . . . Manoj Kewalramani Quad Needs a More Near-Term, Outcomes-Focussed Approach . . . Read More Ever since its revitalisation, the Quad grouping, comprising India, the US, Japan and Australia, has evolved an ambitious agenda. Over the past two years, the Quad has established six leader-level wor . . . Ms Parul Bakshi Powerhouse: clean energy transitions in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More With a global energy crisis underway due to rising prices, coupled with a forecast of a harsh northern hemisphere winter and supply volatility brought on by the Russia–Ukraine war, all eyes are on the . . . Purvaja Modak Understanding/Evaluating the Indo Pacific Economic Framework . . . Read More The Indo Pacific region is emerging as the new theatre of command today with countries coming together to ensure a free, open, fair, inclusive, interconnected, resilient, secure, and prosperous region . . . Jay Maniyar The Assertiveness of Chinese Foreign Policy under Xi Jinping . . . Read More The President of the Peoples’ Republic of China, PRC, is the incredibly powerful, assertive, uncompromising, and permanent Xi Jinping. China’s foreign policy has witnessed a noticeable climbing nation . . . Lucy Alexander A Comparative Study Media Systems in India and Japan . . . Read More Media in every country is entwined with politics, international relations, culture, and history. Its functioning is primarily determined by the type of government, with different degrees of control or . . . Parul Bakshi Japan’s Missing Nuclear Energy Policy . . . Read More The urgent global need to meet climate ambitions, growing uncertainty about securing vital energy resources due to the ongoing Russia–Ukraine conflict and the inability of renewable resources to meet . . . Oorja Tapan Does India Need a New Indo-Pacific Strategy? . . . Read More The reception of the Indo-Pacific as a strategic construct adjoining the contiguous waters of the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean has gained traction in recent years with the swing of the geopoli . . . Anurag Mishra Biden’s Healing Plan: Where is it? . . . Read More As Joe Biden ascended to the Presidency, he sent waves across America and the world that gave people “hope.” In the challenging times when the world faced the most devastating health crisis, America h . . . Aakriti Sethi ASEAN: The Missing Piece in US’ Indo Pacific Strategy . . . Read More During the Bush and Obama administration, ASEAN’s role in America’s Asia policy was elevated as White House was successful in recognizing its wider importance within and beyond the region. Apart from . . . Dr. Vilashini Somiah Do Maritime Policies Matter to Those Living at Sea? . . . Read More In the study of Maritime Southeast Asia, scholars would unpack the historical and contemporary importance of water bodies from historical, sociological, cultural, political, and economic perspectives. . . . Dr Benjamin Yew Hoong Loh Fighting disinformation with media literacy in Southeast Asia . . . Read More In early May 2022, Ferdinand “BongBong” Marcos Junior won the Philippines presidential election with an overwhelming victory. This was a shocking result as his father was responsible for plunging the . . . Mr Paras Ratna Operationalizing the Indo-Pacific framework . . . Read More Be it China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the Build Back Better World (B3W) initiative, geopolitical contestations are increasingly getting manifested through overseas assistance and infrastruct . . . Dr. Niloy Biswas Maritime Migration in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean: A dire n . . . Read More The Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean are historical maritime routes for both South and South-East Asia. Recently, these have emerged as routes for intra-Asian and trans-regional movements of people, . . . Mr Gazi Hassan India in Indo-Pacific amidst emerging developments. . . . Read More What has become of the Indo-Pacific?” is the question many are grappling to comprehend with. The new and renewed interest of major powers to assert their supremacy corresponds to the fact that Indo-Pa . . . Dr. Nansi Paulraj Russian Military offensive: The Revisionist Agenda and the Ripple Effe . . . Read More Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, termed Special Military Operations (Invasion) started on 24th February 2022. The reason for this is to protec . . . Mr Angshuman Choudhury How Could Russia’s War in Ukraine Intensify the Geopolitical Tussle in . . . Read More The Russia-Ukraine crisis has given a whole new context to global affairs. As one of the most polarising events of this century so far, it has widened latent geopolitical fissures and possibly created . . . Ms Kritika Roy Chinese campaigns increasingly targeting India’s Cyberspace . . . Read More China-nexus threat actors have been called out for their pertinent snooping and espionage campaigns that are aligned with the country’s national interest. Their espionage activities are global and are . . . Ms. Eerishika Pankaj Charting the Quad’s Bilateral Way Forward . . . Read More As the next Quad summit draws close – presently scheduled for May 2022 – the remarkable growth of the grouping in the past five years is worthy of recap. Its future, however, remains increasingly depe . . . Dr Lina Gong Collective HADR Responses in the Indo-Pacific: Additional Mechanisms i . . . Read More The emergence of new regional mechanisms such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or Quad and the Lancang Mekong Cooperation offer additional mechanisms to strengthen collective response and comple . . . Dr Yatharth Kachiar and Shankar Narayan S Reflections on the Battle for Elysée Palace and Future Impacts on the . . . Read More French national elections do not stir much euphoria in a geographically far away region like the Indo-Pacific. During the election phase in France, foreign policy issues have largely taken a backseat. . . . Dr Hasith Kandaudahewa Towards a Fragile State: Economic Crisis in Sri Lanka . . . Read More The people of Sri Lanka are typically considered a friendly and peaceful community who belong to a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious group Yet, two weeks ago, the people of Sri Lanka re . . . Dr. Ladhu Ram Choudhary The Quad and Aggressive Chinese Military Threat . . . Read More The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is becoming more vibrant and vocal to achieve shared vision of liberal international order – nurturing democratic political governance, strengthening market driven . . . Dr. Medha Bisht "Seeing" the Indo-Pacific and Questions of Strategic Judgement . . . Read More How does one ‘see’ the Indo-Pacific amidst the multiple strategic configurations that the Ocean is witnessing? Given the salience of the issue, it is important that one reckons with some essential bui . . . Dr. Christian Wagner The Indo-Pacific – a European Perspective . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific will be the main theatre in the emerging systemic rivalry between the United States and China. This has also initiated a fundamental change in Europe’s perception of the region. . . . Dr. Ashok Alex Luke India’s concern over China’s growing assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific is likely to be the new area of contestation as China’s growing footprint and influence in the Indian Ocean region had created concerns for the United States, India and their allies o . . . Dr. Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad Great Powers and the Importance of Listening in International Politics . . . Read More In today’s world where scary dragons, eagles, bears, and elephants (and sometimes octopuses) regularly appear in magazine covers or articles’ illustrations when they discuss international politics, it . . . Know about the submission guidelines. SUBMISSION GUIDELINES

STEERING COMMITTEE Lt. Gen. Hooda (Retd) Lt. Gen. Hooda (Retd) is a Co-founder and Director of the Centre for Defense and Security of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Lt. Gen. Hooda was commissioned into the 4th Battalion of the 4th Gorkha Rifles in 1976 and initially served in Nagaland during the peak of insurgency. Read More Dr. Happymon Jacob Dr. Happymon Jacob is the Founder and Honourary Director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Dr Jacob is Associate Professor of Diplomacy and Disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). Read More

OUR TEAM Gaurav Saini Amba Wattal Devika Makkat

OUR MENTORS Adm. Anil Kumar Chawla (Retd.) Adm. Anil Kumar Chawla (Retd.) served as the 28th Flag Officer Commanding- in-Chief, of the Southern Naval Command. He also served as the Indian Navy’s Chief of Personnel in 2016-18. Read More ​Dr. Toby Dalton ​Dr. Toby Dalton is Co-Director of the Nuclear Policy Program, and Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He has formerly been a staff member in the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee. TDalton@ceip.org Read More Prof. C. Raja Mohan Prof. C. Raja Mohan is a visiting research professor at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. He was also the Founding Director of Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, India. isascrm@nus.edu.sg Read More Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain (Retd) Through most of his 40 year illustrious career General Hasnain has served in turbulent environment and hot spots. From Sri Lanka to Siachen Glacier, from the North East to Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), and in UN operations from Mozambique to Rwanda, he has seen it all in crucial appointments. Read More Dr. Bec Strating Dr. Bec Strating is the Executive Director of La Trobe Asia and a Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, in the Department of Politics, Media and Philosophy at La Trobe University in Melbourne. B.Strating@latrobe.edu.au Read More Prof. Anne-Marie Brady Prof. Anne-Marie Brady teaches Political Science at the University of Canterbury, and is an expert on Chinese politics. A fluent Mandarin speaker, she is also a Global Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington DC. anne-marie.brady@canterbury.ac.nz Read More Capt. Sarabjeet S Parmar Capt Sarabjeet S Parmar was commissioned into the Indian Navy on 01 July 1987 and retired on 30 June 2023. He has been a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and worked in the Indian Navy’s strategic apex level offices. He has written and spoken extensively on maritime security and strategy issues at various national and international conferences and his main areas of research include national and maritime strategy and security related aspects in the Indo-Pacific, piracy, HADR, and international maritime law with a focus on lawfare. Read More Dr Rajeswari Rajagopalan Dr. Rajeswari (Raji) Pillai Rajagopalan is the Director of the Centre for Security, Strategy &; Technology (CSST) at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Dr. Rajagopalan was the Technical Advisor to the United Nations Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) on Prevention of Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) (July 2018-July 2019). She was also a Non- Resident Indo-Pacific Fellow at the Perth USAsia Centre from April-December 2020. Read More Dr. Christian Wagner Dr. Christian Wagner is a Senior Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin. Formerly, he was also a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Development Research, University of Bonn. christian.wagner@swp-berlin.org Read More Amb. Shivshankar Menon Amb. Shivshankar Menon served as India’s Foreign Secretary in 2006-09 and subsequently as its fourth National Security Advisor. A career diplomat, he is among India’s foremost foreign policy experts. Read More Lt. Gen. D.S. Hooda (Retd.) Lt. Gen. D.S. Hooda (Retd.), served as an Officer in the Indian Army, and retired as Northern Army Commander in 2016. He has vast experience in counter-insurgency and crisis-management at the strategic level. dhooda@csdronline.org Read More Amb. Rakesh Sood Amb. Rakesh Sood is veteran of the Indian Foreign Service, having held posts including India’s Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament, and the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy for Disarmament and Non – Proliferation. Read More Lieutenant General Raj Shukla In a career spanning over four decades in the Indian Army, Lieutenant General Raj Shukla has seen extensive service in the field - he commanded a Medium Regiment in the Eastern / Desert Theatres, an Infantry Brigade in Counter Insurgency Operations, an Infantry Division along the Line of Control in the Kashmir Valley and a Pivot Corps along the Western Borders. Read More Dr. Sinderpal Singh Dr. Sinderpal Singh Senior Fellow and Coordinator of the South Asia Programme at the Nanyang Technological University. He was formerly also a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University Singapore. issinderpal@ntu.edu.sgUniversity of Singapore. Read More Nitin Pai Mr Nitin Pai is co-founder and director of the Takshashila Institution, an independent centre for research and education in public policy based in Bangalore. His research includes cyber and space power, Indo-Pacific geopolitics, and defence economics. Read More