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e1dc05d7-3948-4a86-b220-e490949df3a4 < All op-eds The Indo-Pacific – a European Perspective Dr. Christian Wagner The Indo-Pacific will be the main theatre in the emerging systemic rivalry between the United States and China. This has also initiated a fundamental change in Europe’s perception of the region. For a long time, Europe - i.e. the European Union (EU) and its member states - have seen the region mostly as an economic opportunity. Europe is among the largest investors in the region and one of its most important trading partners. Germany conducts more than 20 percent of its trade with countries of the Indo-Pacific. The EU as the largest trading bloc has an overarching interest in the Indo-Pacific which will be shaped by multilateralism and a rules-based order rather than by great power competition. The Indo-Pacific strategy of the EU that builds on similar documents from France, Germany, and the Netherlands signals a geopolitical and geo-economic shift towards the region. Traditionally, the EU has its strength in the field of soft power rather than in hard power. Accordingly, the priority areas are: sustainable and inclusive prosperity, green transition, ocean governance, digital governance and partnerships, connectivity, human security, but also security and defence. The EU also aims at a stronger security role, for instance by coordinating future European naval presence in the region. European naval powers like France and the United Kingdom have traditionally been present in the Indo-Pacific. The mission of the German frigate Bayern underlines Germany’s new commitment to contribute to security in the region. Moreover, the EU plans to expand its CRIMARIO project in the Western Indian Ocean to other parts of the Indo-Pacific. Europe’s engagement in the Indo-Pacific will also be an important test case for its ambitions for sovereignty and strategic autonomy and its quest to become a global power. Europe faces various challenges. A first challenge will be to increase Europe’s visibility in the region. Countries like France, which is a resident power in the region, will follow different approaches compared to Germany or the Netherlands. So Europe’s approach to the region will be a differentiated rather than a unified one. Second, Europe has to provide proper resources. The EU’s Global Gateway strategy aims to mobilise 300 billion Euros until 2027. This would allow the EU to offer viable alternatives for infrastructure projects. Third, Europe and its member states will have to adapt to the emerging architecture in the region. Many regional organisations have lost importance in recent years whereas mini-lateral formats like Quad have gained importance. This is a challenge for the EU and countries like Germany which have traditionally been strong protagonists of regional organisations. The new connectivity agreements with established partners like India and Japan underline Europe’s ambitions to become a stronger player in the region. Europe’s economic strength will be an important contribution to the future of a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific. One of the main challenges will be to find a common, coherent and sustained approach among its members. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

9558cc4a-95d7-45a6-ac8c-9de09784136c < All op-eds 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year Purvaja Modak This blog has been republished from the Centre for Social and Economic Progress with permission. Brazil has taken over the presidency of the G20 from India on December 1, 2023, ushering in a troika with three member countries from the Global South (India, Brazil and South Africa) that also comprise of the IBSA. India was preceded by Indonesia in 2022, and beginning a four-year effort to prioritise the needs of the Global South at a time when the world faces difficult challenges like climate change, geopolitical turmoil, inequality and indebtedness. While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. The onus is now on Brazil to take forward the global development agenda in 2024. The country has declared a three-point agenda, namely combating hunger, poverty and inequality; focusing on three dimensions of sustainable development (economic, social, and environmental); and the reform of global governance (G20 Brasil 2024). These topics have been chosen keeping the objective of reducing inequalities at the heart of the reform effort as is reflected in the motto of the Brazilian presidency, ‘Building a Just World and a Sustainable Planet’. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva declared these priorities at the Leader’s summit in India in September 2023 when he took over the reins of the G20 presidency from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He emphasised the country’s commitment to the fight against food shortages and nutritional insecurity. To that end, Brazil has proposed to launch a taskforce called Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty during its 2024 presidency. The task force will work on issues like low-carbon agricultural research and farming insurance reforms, especially in food-insecure countries, with financing support from other nations. Brazil hopes to leverage its experience from its flagship programme, Brazil Without Hunger Plan (Plano Brasil Sem Fome)—an initiative led by its Ministry of Development and Social Assistance, Family and the Fight Against Hunger (Ministério do Desenvolvimento e Assistência Social, Família e Combate à Fome/MDS). By focusing on sustainable development, the country hopes to convince the G20 member countries to increase their financial contributions to tackle climate change and wishes to leverage its own green energy potential for the world to invest in. To achieve this, Brazil has proposed a taskforce called Global Mobilization against Climate Change. The taskforce will promote a high-level dialogue among governments, financial institutions, and international organisations to enhance global macroeconomic and financial alignment to implement the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement (G20 Brasil 2024). By making the reform of global governance its third priority, Brazil hopes to encourage greater participation by emerging countries in the decisions of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) needs to be revitalised and its paralysed dispute settlement mechanism needs to start working again by reinstating a fully functional Appellate Body. The membership of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) needs to be restructured to include more developing countries. The eagerness from various countries, to join the expanded BRICS is an indication of their wish to join a grouping from the Global South re-emphasises their call for the reform of the Bretton Woods institutions. Brazil can leave its imprint on the G20 by stirring discussions on the reform of the global governance architecture towards implementable consensus. Brazil also hopes to advance the Indian G20 presidency’s work in strengthening MDBs, by following through with the roadmap laid out in the G20 Independent Expert Group’s (IEG) two volume- report , led by Lawrence Summers and NK Singh, that was aimed at creating ‘bigger, better and bolder MDBs’. Some of the recommendations of the report were: scaling up financial capacity, boosting joint action on climate, enhancing country-level collaboration, strengthening co-financing, and deepening MDBs’ ambition to cooperate to boost private capital mobilisation (World Bank, 2023). There is action on this agenda item already. At the IMF/World Bank Annual Meetings in Marrakesh, Morocco, in October 2023, 10 leading MDBs supported the IEG’s report’s recommendation to explore ways to expand their lending capacity with “ an additional headroom of $300-400 billion in the next decade ”(African Development Bank Group, 2023). In a first-time global leadership role of this stature, Brazil plans to execute its development mandate by convening over 100 working group and task force meetings and over 20 ministerial meetings that will culminate in the Leader’s summit on November 18-19, 2024 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The National Commission for the Coordination of the Presidency of the G20 by Brazil has been set up to coordinate and oversee the smooth functioning of the G20 presidency and it is being chaired by Mauro Vieira, Brazil’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Fernando Haddad, Brazil’s Minister of Finance (G20 Brasil 2024). Brazil has also introduced the G20 Social to increase participation of non-governmental stakeholders in G20’s activities and decision-making processes. The G20 Social comprises of 13 engagement groups of the G20, namely C20 (Civil society); T20 (Think tanks); Y20 (Youth); W20 (Women); L20 (Labour); U20 (Cities); B20 (Business); S20 (Science); Startup20 (Startups); P20 (Parliaments); SAI20 (Supreme audit institutions); J20 (Supreme courts) and O20 (Oceans) (G20 Brasil 2024). The clock is ticking, and the stage is set for Brazil to make its mark on the G20 process by delivering outcomes brought about by multilateral consensus. Supporters of global governance are rooting for Brazil’s success on its three-point development agenda, especially at a time when the world is facing a polycrisis and global negotiations and consensus building seem more far fetched than ever. Brazil is faced with an ambitious agenda, and there are several challenges in its path. Brazil will need to manage the intense geopolitical divisions that currently exist in the G20’s membership if it hopes to release joint statements and end the year with a comprehensive Leader’s Declaration, a feat that India succeeded in achieving, despite acute scepticism from critics. The Brazilian presidency will have to keep the Israel–Hamas war, Russia’s war in Ukraine, global sanctions and the ongoing frictions between the United States (US) and China at the centre stage and manage sensitivities as it leads the G20 discourse. Other than governmental negotiations, Brazil will have to use back-channel diplomacy through its groupings like the expanded BRICS grouping (that previously only included Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and through its strategic partnerships with neighbouring countries in South America. The BRICS now also includes Argentina, Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It will have to revitalise the IBSA to enable policy coordination between India, Brazil and South Africa. President Lula has an important role to play in balancing the powerplays emanating from these geopolitical interlinkages and divisions. The next two years are a unique time for President Lula to exhibit to the world his leadership potential and Brazil’s ability to lead the global governance discourse. It is interesting to note that Brazil’s G20 summit will be held in the same month (November 2024) as the US elections. The summit will also overlap with COP29. Negotiations at COP29 will pave way for COP30 in 2025 in Belem, Brazil. Brazil will also chair the BRICS grouping in 2025. This will overlap with South Africa’s G20 presidency in 2025, giving the troika of developing countries yet another chance to advance discussions on climate action, sustainability and development. But what the troika needs is a serious infusion of well researched, action oriented and implementable policy ideas that can be tabled for the consideration of the G20 leaders. That is where global think tanks come in, sharing solutions to the world’s most complex problems through one of the G20’s official engagement groups, the Think20 network. The Think20 (T20), often referred to as the ‘ideas bank’ for the G20 is tasked with a crucial mandate this year under the Brazilian presidency, and that comes out clearly in its tag line for the year – ‘Let’s rethink the world’. The T20 Brazil process will fulfil its task through six task forces, whose recommendations, put forth in the form of policy briefs, will comprehensively address the three themes that President Lula has declared: 1) Fighting inequalities, poverty, and hunger; 2) Sustainable climate action and inclusive just energy transitions; 3) Reforming the international financial architecture; 4) Trade and investment for sustainable and inclusive growth; 5) Inclusive digital transformation; 6) Strengthening multilateralism and global governance. The T20 Brazil process will then put forward policy recommendations to G20 officials involved in the Sherpa and Finance tracks and to the G20 leaders, in the form of a final T20 communiqué and the recommendations of the six taskforces. With the support of the Think20 and a development mandate based on the needs of the Global South, Brazil will have to ensure that there is policy connectivity at the G20, for the group to be taken seriously and for its efforts to bear fruit. Having four emerging market economies as leaders of the G20 in a row, will surely make it easier. Else, as critics often say, the G20 will become a ‘talk shop’ or merely a global gathering of policymakers with no concrete or enforceable outcomes. The stage is set, and an ambitious task has been laid out for Brazil. While the priorities for the year were released in 2023 when Brazil officially took on from India, action on the ground will unfurl in 2024. The G20 foreign ministers will meet in Rio de Janeiro on February 21-22, 2024, followed by G20 finance ministers in Sao Paulo on February 28-29, 2024. The statements coming out of these two meetings will indicate whether Brazil will be able to bring back the concept of sustainable development to the centre stage of international discussions, especially since geopolitics, wars and regional powerplays have overtaken its mandate over the last few years. The stakes are high and now Brazil must lead the way in showing critics that the G20 is, not a talk shop and is in fact, the economic steering committee for the world, as it was intended to be at its inception. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

6aaed066-270b-4b36-b146-307e46178468 < All op-eds Fighting disinformation with media literacy in Southeast Asia Dr Benjamin Yew Hoong Loh In early May 2022, Ferdinand “BongBong” Marcos Junior won the Philippines presidential election with an overwhelming victory. This was a shocking result as his father was responsible for plunging the country into a deep recession over his family’s plundering of the state’s finances during his term that ended in 1986 through a people’s revolution. Images of his mother’s shoe collection became infamous to highlight the family’s reckless and unashamed use of public funds. The return to power of one of the Philippines most notorious families has been attributed by journalists and analysts to the power of disinformation campaigns perpetuated by politically-linked agents. The Marcos family employed an effective and organized disinformation campaign which “revised” its family’s history to highlight that the country was in a golden age rather than a corrupt authoritarian regime. Social media has emerged as the new political battleground in the last decade as it is ripe for manipulation through these special political agents, often referred to as online trolls or cybertroopers. The role of these clandestine agents is to influence and distort political discourses in online spaces such as social media, comment sections and forums. According to the Oxford Internet Institute , at least 81 countries employed some form of cybertroopers to engage in information warfare on social media. These cybertroopers employ a variety of strategies to sow discord in digital political discursive spaces. They often masquerade as regular people with specific viewpoints to either artificially inflate public support or distort and misrepresent opposing viewpoints. In most countries, cybertroopers are often deployed internally either by local governments or political parties with some cases involving bigger countries like China and Russia seeking to manipulate international discourse to promote the interests of their respective countries. While social media platforms have tried to stop this indirectly through banning of suspicious troll accounts and more recently with labeling of state-affiliated accounts on Twitter , these actions are only effective to a certain degree. Once disinformation gets distributed it can start radicalizing people to believe these points and they in turn become “political diehards”. This was a tactic that was incredibly successful in President Duterte’s presidential campaign where he successfully indoctrinated large swathes of the Philippines public to support his bid (who became known as Diehard Duterte Supporters ). The Marcos campaign clearly learned from this and directed much resources and efforts to replicate its success. In Malaysia, a similar strategy was also employed by disgraced former Prime Minister Najib Razak. After his government lost the general election in 2018, largely in part due to his involvement with the now infamous 1MDB case , which was seen as the main cause behind rising costs of living in the country. With a new government in place, Najib was expected to fade in popularity once his corruption trial began. But in early 2019, he launched a social media campaign called Malu Apa Bossku (loosely translated to mean “What is there to be ashamed about, my boss”). The campaign’s goal was to rehabilitate Najib’s image in the most obnoxious and downright hypocritical way possible: Reframe his image as a man of the people. The campaign likened him to working class urban Malay youths to highlight that he is down to earth, approachable, hardworking and a victim of slander from the government. The yearlong campaign successfully reclaimed his narrative and manipulated a large segment of Malaysians that has all but restored the political clout of a deposed leader. Even after being convicted of corruption and after failing his first appeal (a final appeal is still pending), his popularity is at an all time high. There is a strong likelihood that he would be running in the country’s next general election and there is even a chance he may stand as a prime minister candidate. After Bong Bong’s win, this is entirely possible and his political resurrection would be complete. Similar disinformation campaigns are happening across Southeast Asia as Thailand and Cambodia head to the polls this year too. How do we fight this? Relying on the government to do this is fundamentally problematic as the reason many disinformation campaigns are so successful is simply because of great distrust amongst disenfranchised citizens in government structures and institutions. Relying on them to verify fake news will only entrench political diehards in their positions. Public trust in state institutions and the media is at an all time low and so many measures that predicate this will likely fail with those radicalized by disinformation campaigns. Aside from online platforms having to step up their efforts to block, identify and isolate disinformation and its agents, individual media literacy development is another step that is needed. When large numbers of the public no longer trust information institutions, it is necessary to at least provide them with the tools and critical thinking skills to properly assess and evaluate their media bubbles. Even if the majority of individuals lack critical thinking skills to properly do so, minimal media literacy should be inculcated so that they would be able to understand that they are being manipulated by political agents. Governments and civil society need to push for more media literacy programs that instill the means, tools and practices to protect people from information warfare efforts and bring some much needed stability to whatever is left of the digital public sphere. Democracy is at stake and extreme political polarization will become the norm unless we can prepare people to understand how to consume and process information in a healthy and protected manner. Dr Benjamin YH Loh is a media scholar that employs digital ethnography to study online communities and the digital public sphere in Malaysia and the region. He focuses much of his work on the confluence between technology and society, with a particular focus on minority and marginalized communities. He is the co-editor of “Sabah from the Ground: The 2020 Elections and the Politics of Survival'' (SIRD/ISEAS, 2021) and publishes Op-Eds with Malaysiakini, SCMP and Nikkei Asia Review. He is currently a senior lecturer at the School of Media and Communication at Taylor’s University and an Associate with the Asia Centre. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

47254e4c-9749-4c87-92a5-3f2e7c17703a < All op-eds An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Abhivardhan Artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly transforming the Indo-Pacific region, with the potential to revolutionize industries, enhance healthcare, and improve the lives of billions of people. However, as AI becomes more powerful and pervasive, it is important to ensure that it is used safely and responsibly. In April 2021, the Quad launched the Critical and Emerging Technologies Working Group (CETWG) to promote cooperation on critical technologies, including AI. The CETWG has identified several priority areas for collaboration, which include Developing principles for responsible development and use of AI Sharing information and expertise on AI Safety. Promoting research and development in AI Safety. The Quad's work on AI Safety is a welcome development, but it is important to recognize that a comprehensive approach is needed to address the complex and interconnected challenges of AI safety that are emerging from limited geographies. Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. The Chinese Approach to AI Regulation The three Chinese regulations on artificial intelligence (AI) are characterized by a strong emphasis on government control and data ownership. This is reflected in the following key features of these regulations: Maximality : The Chinese government takes a maximalist approach to regulating AI, seeking to cover all aspects of AI development and deployment. This is evident in the comprehensive scope of the regulations, which address everything from data privacy to algorithm ethics. Micromanagement : The Chinese government adopts a micromanaged approach to regulating AI, seeking to control the details of how AI systems are developed, deployed, and used. This is evident in the specific requirements imposed on AI service providers, such as the need to obtain licenses and implement specific technical measures. Public ownership : The Chinese government asserts public ownership over data and algorithms, treating them as public resources that must be managed and controlled by the government. This is reflected in the requirement for AI service providers to register with the government and obtain licenses, as well as the government's right to access and control AI data. The Biden Administration’s Executive Order on AI The United States Executive Order on the Safe, Secure, and Trustworthy Development and Use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) is a comprehensive and forward-looking document that outlines several important principles and requirements for the responsible development and use of AI. Here is a summary of the features of this Executive Order: The Executive Order emphasizes the need for robust and reliable evaluations of AI systems, including post-deployment performance monitoring. This is an important step in ensuring that AI systems are safe and effective in real-world settings. The legal instrument also calls for the development of effective labeling and content provenance mechanisms to track and flag AI-generated content. This is important for transparency and accountability, that could help prevent the misuse of AI-generated content. The Executive Order provides a flexible and technology-conscious definition of AI, which helps capture the ever-evolving nature of AI technologies. The definitions of "synthetic content," "testbed," and "watermarking" provided in the Executive Order are clear and concise. These definitions are important to ensure a common understanding of these key terms in the context of AI systems. The European Union’s Artificial Intelligence Act The legislation represents a comprehensive pan-European regulatory framework for artificial intelligence (AI) systems. Key features of the Act include the classification of AI into risk-based levels, with stringent regulations applied to high-risk AI systems. The European Commission has adopted a horizontal approach with a proportionate risk-based methodology, choosing Option 3+ over Option 4, aligning with the need for a balanced regulatory environment conducive to AI innovation. The Act emphasizes the importance of human oversight, quality risk assessments for AI companies, and robust data governance practices. It addresses the intricate challenges associated with developing, testing, and monitoring high-risk AI systems, setting forth detailed criteria & procedures for compliance, and aims to ensure ethical and safe AI development, safeguarding fundamental rights and aligning with the unique requirements of the European AI landscape. The Indian AI Landscape India's rapidly evolving AI landscape presents opportunities and challenges that demand a thorough re-examination of the nation's regulatory capacity. The proliferation of AI applications across industries necessitates transparent, safe, and standardized regulations. AI technology use across various sectors raises concerns regarding transparency, safety, data processing, privacy, and consent. These challenges require attention and sector-specific standardization to drive policy interventions and innovations globally. India needs to reinvent its regulatory capacity and intelligence streams to enable technology-neutral regulation and governance of AI technologies. Transparency and safety in AI applications pose a primary concern for emerging markets. Many AI use cases lack transparency in commercial viability and safety, particularly in data processing, privacy, consent, and dark patterns. Sector-specific standardization for algorithmic activities and operations is absent, hindering regulatory interventions and innovations globally. Enforcing existing sector-specific regulations, starting with data protection and processing, is the solution to pave the way for effective AI regulation. Despite legislative advancements in digital sovereignty, digital connectivity, drones, and data protection, the AI and Law discourse in India shows limited transformation. Discussions mainly revolve around data protection rights and the civil and criminal liability of digital intermediaries. The government's proposed frameworks to regulate the use and processing of personal and non-personal data, including the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 , and the proposed Digital India Act, reflect the Council of Ministers' commitment to these discussions. However, the focus on AI regulation remains limited, even in frameworks like the one proposed for the National Data Management Office (NDMO) . The absence of self-regulatory Explainable AI or Responsible AI guidelines from key AI and tech market players across places also underscores the need for a comprehensive and distinctive approach to AI regulation that aligns with India's unique requirements and standards. A recently proposed Artificial Intelligence (Development & Regulation) Bill was suggested in line with such requirements poignant for the development of the Indo-Pacific as an AI hub for the Global South and Democratic Asia. Establishing a comprehensive Indo-Pacific perspective on AI safety requires collective effort. A shared understanding of AI risks and opportunities must be cultivated through open dialogue and collaboration across the region. Guiding principles, anchored in human dignity and rights, are essential for steering responsible AI development. The Chinese regulatory approach emphasizes government control and public ownership of data,contrasting with the Biden Administration's focus on robust evaluations and transparency. The European Union's AI Act introduces risk-based classification and emphasizes human oversight. India, amid a rapidly evolving AI landscape, requires focused regulatory re-evaluation. The proposed Artificial Intelligence Bill reflects private initiatives to position India as an AI hub. By synthesizing these diverse approaches, the Indo-Pacific region can collectively navigate AI challenges, ensuring ethical integration. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

EDITORIAL BOARD Dr HAPPYMON JACOB EDITOR-IN-CHIEF happymon@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council For Strategic and Defense Research, a new-age think-tank based in New Delhi. Dr Jacob is also an Associate Professor of Diplomacy and Disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). CAPT. SARABJEET S PARMAR EDITOR- INDO-PACIFIC ssparmar@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Capt Parmar is a Distinguished Fellow at CSDR and supports CSDR’s work on Indo-Pacific, Maritime Security and the Indian Ocean Region. PROF. JAGANNATH PANDA EDITOR-INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION jpanda@isdp.eu Institutional Profile Prof. Jagannath Panda is the Head of the Stockholm Center for South Asian and Indo-Pacific Affairs (SCSA-IPA). He is also the Executive Editor for ISDP. Dr. Panda is a Professor at the Department of Regional and Global Studies at the University of Warsaw. VAdm ANIL K CHAWLA EDITOR-MARITIME AFFAIRS akchawlanav@csdronline.com Institutional Profile VAdm Anil K Chawla is the former Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief Southern Naval Command and a Distinguished Fellow at CSDR. RIVA GANGULY DAS EDITOR- FOREIGN POLICY riva@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Ambassador Das is a Distinguished Fellow at the Council For Strategic and Defense Research (CSDR, New Delhi). She joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1986. She has served as High Commissioner to Bangladesh and Ambassador to Romania, Albania and Moldova and has served as Consul General in Shanghai and New York. Before her retirement she was Secretary (East) in the Ministry of External Affairs. DR GAURAV SAINI EXECUTIVE EDITOR gauravsaini@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Dr. Gaurav Saini is co-founder of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research, a new-age think-tak based in New Delhi.

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EDITORIAL TEAM Executive Editor: Dr. Gaurav Saini Dr. Gaurav Saini is the co-founder and Head of Operations and Strategy at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Read More Editor-In-Chief: Dr. Happymon Jacob Dr. Happymon Jacob is the Founder and Director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Read More Associate Editor: Amba Wattal Amba is a Program Associate at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Amba holds a Master’s in International Studies from Symbiosis International University, Pune. Read More

< Back Dr Sutandra Singha Dr. Sutandra Singha is an enthusiastic researcher who is engaged in research in the fields of climate change vulnerability and coping-adaptive capacity analysis, climate politics, sustainable development, and geopolitics in the context of developing countries. She had been affiliated with Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, from July 2010 to September 2021 to pursue her Post Graduation (Geography), M.Phil and Doctoral studies (Climate Change). She was awarded fellowships by the Indian Government (ICSSR and UGC) to pursue her research and also received fellowships by foreign universities to attend academic events in Norway, Brazil, Italy, Sri Lanka, Russia, and Germany. Through peer-reviewed publications, Dr. Sutandra has a track record of generating impactful and innovative solutions to address climate challenges. She has contributed a research paper to the geo-archive of the CLISEL Project, KTH Sweden (Horizon 2020). She served as one of the advisory board members of the Scopus indexed journal Geopolitics of Energy (Publisher: CERI, Alberta). Also, she had been an Expert Reviewer of Chapter 18: Climate Resilient Development Pathways, SOD WGII to the IPCC 6th Assessment Report. Dr. Sutandra aspires to be a distinguished researcher in the field of climate change and wants to collaborate with researchers belonging to different parts of the world. Publications ​ ​ ​

Item List READ THE OPINIONS AND VOICES OF OUR NETWORK MEMBERS HERE! LATEST WORK Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Treesa Shaju Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultura . . . Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year . . . Read More While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is e . . . Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety . . . Read More Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated . . . Sanchari Ghosh IMEC Roadblocks: India's 'Look West' Maritime Vision Hits a Snag . . . Read More The strategic location of the Middle East at the crossroads of two continents - Asia and Europe, and India’s reliance on the Middle East for a substantial portion of its energy imports hold pivotal si . . . Dr Shelly Johny V. The Impact of A Probable Iran-Israel War On The Maritime Security of t . . . Read More The Persian Gulf region, more specifically the Gulf of Oman and the Strait of Hormuz are maritime areas on the Iranian coast over which Iran has considerable naval influence. If Iran and Israel begin . . . Dr Shelly Johny V. The Impact Of A Probable Iran-Israel War On the Maritime Security of W . . . Read More Analysing the U.S. involvement in the region, this article focuses on the impact of a probable Iran-Israel war on the maritime security of West Asia. It will also delve into the likely consequences of . . . Mr Thong Mengdavid Understanding ASEAN Blue Economy and Cambodia’s Maritime Governance Ch . . . Read More Since the establishment of ASEAN in 1967, this regional organisation has rallied tremendous efforts to promote the ASEAN’s community- building, yet there are still numerous challenges such as territor . . . Mr Satria Rizaldi Alchatib Mapping Timor-Leste in ASEAN’s Indo-Pacific Outreach: Challenge or an . . . Read More Since its independence in 2002, Timor Leste had nurtured aspirations for an ASEAN membership. More recently, at the 42nd ASEAN Summit in Indonesia, ASEAN even adopted a roadmap for Timor Leste to beco . . . Parul Bakshi Japan Eyes More Nuclear Power for Energy Security . . . Read More Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has pushed Japan to reevaluate its energy strategy once again. . . . Don McLain Gill India’s G20 Presidency and the Future of Indian Leadership in Internat . . . Read More While multipolarity has increasingly become a buzzword among commentators of international politics. It is crucial to conceptually decipher what it practically means for India’s leadership and the fut . . . Dr. Kaustav Padmapati Taiwan’s Critical Position in the Indo-Pacific: Implications for India . . . Read More The year 2022 was quite eventful for Taiwan as China did not stop its bullying tactics against the island nation and it has been building up its military offensive against it. . . . Cyriac S Pampackal US Senate Resolution on Arunachal Pradesh: A Goodwill Gesture or an Ic . . . Read More The U.S. Senate's 75th Resolution is a potential icebreaker for the process of securitizing the Indo-Pacific, with the US and India as partnering stakeholders. . . . Ratih Indraswari 5O Years of Indonesia-ROK Relations: Challenges and Opportunities . . . Read More Indonesia and the Republic of Korea(ROK) welcome the 50th bilateral anniversary this year but there are some key issues that need to be addressed for their partnership to strengthen further. . . . Ms Sanchari Ghosh India's G20 Presidency: The Effectiveness Of Its Leadership Depends On . . . Read More India can use its one-year presidency to demonstrate that it is capable of leading a broadly divided G-20 to make decisive interventions for the benefit of developed and developing states alike. . . . Mr Arjun Gargeyas The Need for Quad as a Techno-democratic Alliance in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More To check the Indo-Pacific region from becoming reliant on Chinese technology infrastructure, the Quad can collaborate to develop new technologies and produce substitutes for crucial ones that China ha . . . Dr Priya Suresh Key Takeaways from the 20th Party Congress: Its Implications for India . . . Read More The 20th Party Congress has come at a critical juncture as China embarks to construct a strong and modern socialist country. . . . Mr Aditya Singh Impact of India’s Leadership at G20 and SCO on the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More This article explores how India's ascension to a leadership role at both G20 and SCO can influence its presence in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. It also looks at some of the potential effects of . . . Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Ms Priyanka Jaiswal Can Loss and Damage Trigger Solidarity in the Indo-Pacific? . . . Read More Climate change-related extreme weather events have become the new normal in South Asia. In 2022 alone, the region witnessed a deadly heatwave (mainly in India and Pakistan) and catastrophic floods (th . . . Ms Munira Mustaffa Electoral Targeting: Lessons Learned from Digital Campaign Trails in S . . . Read More While electoral integrity, in the context of Southeast Asia, is frequently emphasised, the significance of election security preparedness in the region and the accompanying risks are not being address . . . Dr Gazala Fareedi Indo-Pacific Framework: Bridging the divide between the Global South a . . . Read More With the recent transfer of the G20 Presidency from Indonesia to India, there has been a renewed focus on the Global South. As a voice for the Global South as well as a member of the Indo-Pacific fram . . . Anurag Mishra & Paras Ratna What do the Midterm Results mean for the US Foreign Policy? . . . Read More A peculiar feature of American democracy is that it has an election every two years. The constitutional exercise, however, does not have the thunder of a presidential election as it produces little c . . . Dr. Angana Guha Roy Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: An Overview . . . Read More As more and more powers jockey for influence in the Indo-Pacific, Canada launched its long-awaited Indo-Pacific strategy implicating a shift in its foreign policy agenda. . . . Dr Choong Pui Yee Malaysia's Foreign Policy under Anwar Ibrahim: Continuities and Prosp . . . Read More After years of being the prime minister-designate, Anwar Ibrahim finally become the Prime Minister of Malaysia after the 15th general election held in November 2022.As Malaysia opens a new chapter und . . . Abhivardhan Explainable AI for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific . . . Read More While governments in the Indo-Pacific region including India focus on strengthening digital public infrastructure and emphasize on the need to develop Responsible AI ethics practices, shifting to deve . . . Manoj Kewalramani Quad Needs a More Near-Term, Outcomes-Focussed Approach . . . Read More Ever since its revitalisation, the Quad grouping, comprising India, the US, Japan and Australia, has evolved an ambitious agenda. Over the past two years, the Quad has established six leader-level wor . . . Ms Parul Bakshi Powerhouse: clean energy transitions in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More With a global energy crisis underway due to rising prices, coupled with a forecast of a harsh northern hemisphere winter and supply volatility brought on by the Russia–Ukraine war, all eyes are on the . . . Purvaja Modak Understanding/Evaluating the Indo Pacific Economic Framework . . . Read More The Indo Pacific region is emerging as the new theatre of command today with countries coming together to ensure a free, open, fair, inclusive, interconnected, resilient, secure, and prosperous region . . . Jay Maniyar The Assertiveness of Chinese Foreign Policy under Xi Jinping . . . Read More The President of the Peoples’ Republic of China, PRC, is the incredibly powerful, assertive, uncompromising, and permanent Xi Jinping. China’s foreign policy has witnessed a noticeable climbing nation . . . Lucy Alexander A Comparative Study Media Systems in India and Japan . . . Read More Media in every country is entwined with politics, international relations, culture, and history. Its functioning is primarily determined by the type of government, with different degrees of control or . . . Parul Bakshi Japan’s Missing Nuclear Energy Policy . . . Read More The urgent global need to meet climate ambitions, growing uncertainty about securing vital energy resources due to the ongoing Russia–Ukraine conflict and the inability of renewable resources to meet . . . Oorja Tapan Does India Need a New Indo-Pacific Strategy? . . . Read More The reception of the Indo-Pacific as a strategic construct adjoining the contiguous waters of the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean has gained traction in recent years with the swing of the geopoli . . . Anurag Mishra Biden’s Healing Plan: Where is it? . . . Read More As Joe Biden ascended to the Presidency, he sent waves across America and the world that gave people “hope.” In the challenging times when the world faced the most devastating health crisis, America h . . . Aakriti Sethi ASEAN: The Missing Piece in US’ Indo Pacific Strategy . . . Read More During the Bush and Obama administration, ASEAN’s role in America’s Asia policy was elevated as White House was successful in recognizing its wider importance within and beyond the region. Apart from . . . Dr. Vilashini Somiah Do Maritime Policies Matter to Those Living at Sea? . . . Read More In the study of Maritime Southeast Asia, scholars would unpack the historical and contemporary importance of water bodies from historical, sociological, cultural, political, and economic perspectives. . . . Dr Benjamin Yew Hoong Loh Fighting disinformation with media literacy in Southeast Asia . . . Read More In early May 2022, Ferdinand “BongBong” Marcos Junior won the Philippines presidential election with an overwhelming victory. This was a shocking result as his father was responsible for plunging the . . . Mr Paras Ratna Operationalizing the Indo-Pacific framework . . . Read More Be it China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the Build Back Better World (B3W) initiative, geopolitical contestations are increasingly getting manifested through overseas assistance and infrastruct . . . Dr. Niloy Biswas Maritime Migration in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean: A dire n . . . Read More The Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean are historical maritime routes for both South and South-East Asia. Recently, these have emerged as routes for intra-Asian and trans-regional movements of people, . . . Mr Gazi Hassan India in Indo-Pacific amidst emerging developments. . . . Read More What has become of the Indo-Pacific?” is the question many are grappling to comprehend with. The new and renewed interest of major powers to assert their supremacy corresponds to the fact that Indo-Pa . . . Dr. Nansi Paulraj Russian Military offensive: The Revisionist Agenda and the Ripple Effe . . . Read More Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, termed Special Military Operations (Invasion) started on 24th February 2022. The reason for this is to protec . . . Mr Angshuman Choudhury How Could Russia’s War in Ukraine Intensify the Geopolitical Tussle in . . . Read More The Russia-Ukraine crisis has given a whole new context to global affairs. As one of the most polarising events of this century so far, it has widened latent geopolitical fissures and possibly created . . . Ms Kritika Roy Chinese campaigns increasingly targeting India’s Cyberspace . . . Read More China-nexus threat actors have been called out for their pertinent snooping and espionage campaigns that are aligned with the country’s national interest. Their espionage activities are global and are . . . Ms. Eerishika Pankaj Charting the Quad’s Bilateral Way Forward . . . Read More As the next Quad summit draws close – presently scheduled for May 2022 – the remarkable growth of the grouping in the past five years is worthy of recap. Its future, however, remains increasingly depe . . . Dr Lina Gong Collective HADR Responses in the Indo-Pacific: Additional Mechanisms i . . . Read More The emergence of new regional mechanisms such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or Quad and the Lancang Mekong Cooperation offer additional mechanisms to strengthen collective response and comple . . . Dr Yatharth Kachiar and Shankar Narayan S Reflections on the Battle for Elysée Palace and Future Impacts on the . . . Read More French national elections do not stir much euphoria in a geographically far away region like the Indo-Pacific. During the election phase in France, foreign policy issues have largely taken a backseat. . . . Dr Hasith Kandaudahewa Towards a Fragile State: Economic Crisis in Sri Lanka . . . Read More The people of Sri Lanka are typically considered a friendly and peaceful community who belong to a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious group Yet, two weeks ago, the people of Sri Lanka re . . . Dr. Ladhu Ram Choudhary The Quad and Aggressive Chinese Military Threat . . . Read More The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is becoming more vibrant and vocal to achieve shared vision of liberal international order – nurturing democratic political governance, strengthening market driven . . . Dr. Medha Bisht "Seeing" the Indo-Pacific and Questions of Strategic Judgement . . . Read More How does one ‘see’ the Indo-Pacific amidst the multiple strategic configurations that the Ocean is witnessing? Given the salience of the issue, it is important that one reckons with some essential bui . . . Dr. Christian Wagner The Indo-Pacific – a European Perspective . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific will be the main theatre in the emerging systemic rivalry between the United States and China. This has also initiated a fundamental change in Europe’s perception of the region. . . . Dr. Ashok Alex Luke India’s concern over China’s growing assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific is likely to be the new area of contestation as China’s growing footprint and influence in the Indian Ocean region had created concerns for the United States, India and their allies o . . . Dr. Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad Great Powers and the Importance of Listening in International Politics . . . Read More In today’s world where scary dragons, eagles, bears, and elephants (and sometimes octopuses) regularly appear in magazine covers or articles’ illustrations when they discuss international politics, it . . . Know about the submission guidelines. SUBMISSION GUIDELINES

STEERING COMMITTEE Lt. Gen. Hooda (Retd) Lt. Gen. Hooda (Retd) is a Co-founder and Director of the Centre for Defense and Security of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Lt. Gen. Hooda was commissioned into the 4th Battalion of the 4th Gorkha Rifles in 1976 and initially served in Nagaland during the peak of insurgency. Read More Dr. Happymon Jacob Dr. Happymon Jacob is the Founder and Honourary Director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Dr Jacob is Associate Professor of Diplomacy and Disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). Read More

OUR TEAM Gaurav Saini Amba Wattal Devika Makkat

OUR MENTORS Adm. Anil Kumar Chawla (Retd.) Adm. Anil Kumar Chawla (Retd.) served as the 28th Flag Officer Commanding- in-Chief, of the Southern Naval Command. He also served as the Indian Navy’s Chief of Personnel in 2016-18. Read More ​Dr. Toby Dalton ​Dr. Toby Dalton is Co-Director of the Nuclear Policy Program, and Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He has formerly been a staff member in the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee. TDalton@ceip.org Read More Prof. C. Raja Mohan Prof. C. Raja Mohan is a visiting research professor at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. He was also the Founding Director of Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, India. isascrm@nus.edu.sg Read More Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain (Retd) Through most of his 40 year illustrious career General Hasnain has served in turbulent environment and hot spots. From Sri Lanka to Siachen Glacier, from the North East to Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), and in UN operations from Mozambique to Rwanda, he has seen it all in crucial appointments. Read More Dr. Bec Strating Dr. Bec Strating is the Executive Director of La Trobe Asia and a Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, in the Department of Politics, Media and Philosophy at La Trobe University in Melbourne. B.Strating@latrobe.edu.au Read More Prof. Anne-Marie Brady Prof. Anne-Marie Brady teaches Political Science at the University of Canterbury, and is an expert on Chinese politics. A fluent Mandarin speaker, she is also a Global Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington DC. anne-marie.brady@canterbury.ac.nz Read More Capt. Sarabjeet S Parmar Capt Sarabjeet S Parmar was commissioned into the Indian Navy on 01 July 1987 and retired on 30 June 2023. He has been a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and worked in the Indian Navy’s strategic apex level offices. He has written and spoken extensively on maritime security and strategy issues at various national and international conferences and his main areas of research include national and maritime strategy and security related aspects in the Indo-Pacific, piracy, HADR, and international maritime law with a focus on lawfare. Read More Dr Rajeswari Rajagopalan Dr. Rajeswari (Raji) Pillai Rajagopalan is the Director of the Centre for Security, Strategy &; Technology (CSST) at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Dr. Rajagopalan was the Technical Advisor to the United Nations Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) on Prevention of Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) (July 2018-July 2019). She was also a Non- Resident Indo-Pacific Fellow at the Perth USAsia Centre from April-December 2020. Read More Dr. Christian Wagner Dr. Christian Wagner is a Senior Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin. Formerly, he was also a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Development Research, University of Bonn. christian.wagner@swp-berlin.org Read More Amb. Shivshankar Menon Amb. Shivshankar Menon served as India’s Foreign Secretary in 2006-09 and subsequently as its fourth National Security Advisor. A career diplomat, he is among India’s foremost foreign policy experts. Read More Lt. Gen. D.S. Hooda (Retd.) Lt. Gen. D.S. Hooda (Retd.), served as an Officer in the Indian Army, and retired as Northern Army Commander in 2016. He has vast experience in counter-insurgency and crisis-management at the strategic level. dhooda@csdronline.org Read More Amb. Rakesh Sood Amb. Rakesh Sood is veteran of the Indian Foreign Service, having held posts including India’s Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament, and the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy for Disarmament and Non – Proliferation. Read More Lieutenant General Raj Shukla In a career spanning over four decades in the Indian Army, Lieutenant General Raj Shukla has seen extensive service in the field - he commanded a Medium Regiment in the Eastern / Desert Theatres, an Infantry Brigade in Counter Insurgency Operations, an Infantry Division along the Line of Control in the Kashmir Valley and a Pivot Corps along the Western Borders. Read More Dr. Sinderpal Singh Dr. Sinderpal Singh Senior Fellow and Coordinator of the South Asia Programme at the Nanyang Technological University. He was formerly also a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University Singapore. issinderpal@ntu.edu.sgUniversity of Singapore. Read More Nitin Pai Mr Nitin Pai is co-founder and director of the Takshashila Institution, an independent centre for research and education in public policy based in Bangalore. His research includes cyber and space power, Indo-Pacific geopolitics, and defence economics. Read More