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5c59d598-2c27-4e2f-a134-b9a60e51acca < All op-eds Japan’s Missing Nuclear Energy Policy Parul Bakshi This blog has been republished from the East Asia Forum with permission. The urgent global need to meet climate ambitions, growing uncertainty about securing vital energy resources due to the ongoing Russia–Ukraine conflict and the inability of renewable resources to meet exponentially rising energy demand is bringing momentum back to the nuclear energy debate. Some argue that a zero-carbon future will remain an unattainable dream if nuclear energy is not used to fight the ill effects of global warming. While this contention continues to be debated, a recent report by the International Energy Agency suggests that nuclear energy is set to make a comeback and witness a doubling of capacity between 2020–2050. The situation is particularly acute for Japan. With a relatively low share of national energy resources, it has relied on imports of coal, oil and natural gas to meet its energy needs. It is no surprise then that Japan has been one of the foremost countries to have expanded its nuclear power plant fleet to ensure energy self-sufficiency. Japan’s 2010 Strategic Energy Plan aimed to expand the share of nuclear energy — otherwise known as its ‘ dream energy ’ — to meet half of its electricity demand by 2030. But the aftermath of the Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011 led to the dramatic reversal of these plans to the extent that a complete nuclear phase-out was considered. While the vision for the phase-out was set aside upon the Liberal Democratic Party’s return to power, Japan’s nuclear energy policy has lacked clarity in meeting its set targets. A share of 20–22 per cent of nuclear energy is envisioned in the latest draft of the Strategic Energy Plan in 2022. While this target has remained the same since the 2014 Strategic Energy Plan, the process of attaining it is still unclear. As of June 2022 , only ten out of Japan’s 54 nuclear reactors have been given the go-ahead to restart, while just four are currently in operation and 21 have been decommissioned. Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has repeatedly reiterated the need to restart more plants and the crucial role that nuclear energy plays in Japan’s security and stability, announcing that up to nine reactors would be in operation by the end of 2022. With liquefied natural gas prices in Japan reaching historic highs and Japan’s continued resolve to include nuclear energy, it is time to look into establishing a substantive Japanese nuclear energy policy. Whether Japan will make a full-fledged return to the league of major nuclear-powered countries is yet to be seen, but it seems unlikely. For continued reliance on nuclear energy, Japan will have to extend not only the reactor lifespan beyond the stipulated 60 years — a move that might rekindle public fears and opposition — but also construct new plants, which could take a decade. This will be ineffective in meeting short-term energy requirements that the nation is struggling with, while also leaving Japan behind in the global green race with implications for its 2050 net zero climate vision. Other barriers to expanding nuclear energy involve overcoming local opposition, lawsuits against restarts, delayed assessments and excessive safety goals stipulated by the Nuclear Regulation Authority. Cost overruns of nuclear projects, nuclear waste management, and the political and societal implications of nuclear disasters also pose challenges. Yet Hiroshi Kajiyama, Japan’s former minister of Economy, Trade and Industry, has called nuclear energy ‘ indispensable ’ for Japan. Kishida’s New Capitalism — which focusses on inclusivity, sustainability and touts green innovation as an area that would benefit from enhanced government research and development investment — could incentivise the development of related nuclear technologies such as Finnish Onkalo nuclear spent fuel repository technology and Small Modular Reactors. Under the shadow of the Fukushima nuclear disaster, a transparent account of the government’s nuclear policy could help both the nuclear industry and the public. But Japan must have a clear idea of how to manage its existing nuclear power capacity given the precarious geopolitical energy climate. With rising fuel prices and a weak yen, Japan is in the midst of the most serious energy crisis the country has ever faced. The ambiguity that shrouds the future of nuclear energy serves no good to Japan, domestically or internationally. A clear policy vision articulating how the existing hurdles will be overcome is essential for continuing investment to ensure a stable power supply and for insulating the sector from any unforeseen political instability at the leadership level. Nuclear energy is not the one-stop solution Japan is hoping for. Tokyo will have to make continued progress in renewables and other technologies such as hydrogen, carbon capture, energy utilisation and storage (CCUS). But with the government consistently including nuclear energy in its Strategic Energy Plan, it would be prudent to highlight how the desired targets are to be achieved by 2030. A clear nuclear energy vision will help stakeholders in the energy industry gain a better sense of the Japanese nuclear industry’s direction, so that they can prepare for the resulting implications rather than second guessing whether the government will be able to put talk into action. Parul Bakshi is a Doctoral Candidate at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, India and previously a Special Research Student and Japan Foundation Fellow at the University of Tokyo, Japan. She is the co-editor of India-Japan Relations @70: Building Beyond the Bilateral (2022). Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

8bfb6011-fcbe-482f-9066-7a4e9224f1ad < All op-eds Maritime Migration in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean: A dire need for greater cooperation Dr. Niloy Biswas The Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean are historical maritime routes for both South and South-East Asia. Recently, these have emerged as routes for intra-Asian and trans-regional movements of people, mainly from Bangladesh and Myanmar, to Southeast Asian destinations (ex. Malaysia and Thailand) and then extend the journey towards Australia. The drivers of such migration are essentially informed by three factors: economy, conflict, and climate. First, unemployment and the youth bulge influence the regular outflow of migrants from Bangladesh, Myanmar and other South Asian countries to the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Europe. A significant part of it also undertakes irregular paths to reach the destination. For Southeast Asia as a destination, using the Bay of Bengal is a viable choice for many who could not have afforded the formal channels of migration. Second, conflict in Myanmar has significantly escalated irregular migration along this route. After a series of ethnic clashes instigated by the Rakhine nationalists in 2012, about 140,000 of an estimated 1.1 million Rohingyas fled, ending up in camps within Myanmar . Some tried to escape Myanmar by sea and landed in Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand. In the May 2015 tragedy, some 32 shallow graves were discovered on a remote mountain in Thailand , at a so-called ‘waiting area,’ where Rohingya migrants were being held to be smuggled to Malaysia. It raised the flag for the international community on the gravity of the matter. In 2017, over one million Rohingya people escaped the Rakhine State of Myanmar to avoid death, rape, discrimination, and torture and took shelter in neighbouring Bangladesh. After the 2017 influx, they and their fellow Bangladeshi migrants accompanied together on the boat to cross the Bay of Bengal. Third, the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean expose a critical climate-vulnerable space. There is a prevalence of short-term natural disasters in the region, induced by seasonal weather shifts and long-term climate change impacts. Moreover, this is a densely-populated region, and a significant part of the world’s population lives along its coastline. Finally, this resource-abundance region has attracted other powerful nations for excavations and extending their strategic sphere of influence. It has become an essential sub-region in the international connectivity discourse and a strategically significant trans-regional space. In such a critical maritime space, we have experienced the abandonment of thousands of men, women, and children by the state and smugglers. The network of smugglers and spoilers existed to maltreat the governance, arguably lowly addressed by some governments across the region. Irregularities in the migration governance and inhumaneness in migrants’ experience have made them more susceptible to the threats of complex vulnerabilities. Some countries have considered a mixture of hard and soft security approaches. For example, Malaysia recently pushed back to sea one and possibly more fishing trawlers with hundreds of Rohingya asylum seekers aboard. Thailand has indicated that it will refuse entry to Rohingya boats . Bangladesh coast guard officials rescued one boat of Rohingya refugees, which had reportedly been turned away by Malaysia nearly two months earlier. About 390 starving Rohingya, most under 20 years old, were brought ashore, with reports that as many as 100 may have died on board before the rescue . Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott stated that turning around boats was “ absolutely necessary if the scourge of people smuggling is to be beaten .” Australia introduced Operation Sovereign Borders , a military-led campaign to “stop the boats” with asylum seekers. Moreover, Australia had invested more resources in the detention centres on the islands of Manus and Nauru that had housed more than 1000 refugees and asylum seekers for several years before being pushed back to the sea. Thailand has engaged its naval forces to stop boat migrants, predominantly Rohingya asylum seekers from Myanmar, from landing on its territory. Moreover, it also implemented some harsh anti-refugee policies, including ‘push backs’ of any vessel attempting to disembark on the Thai shores . Malaysian former Deputy Home Minister Wan Junaidi Jafaar said, “We have been very nice to the people who broke into our border. We have treated them humanely, but they cannot be flooding our shores like this . ” He also said, “We have to send the right message that they are not welcome here.” The nations in the Indo-Pacific merit greater cooperation to deal with this crisis together. Although a majority of the countries in the region are not signatories of the 1951 Refugee Convention and the Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, 1967, the concerned states should borrow the idea of the interpretation of ‘place of safety’ from the convention that includes the consideration of protection against threats to the lives and freedoms of those alleging a well-founded fear of persecution regarding refugees and asylum seekers retrieved from a situation of distress at sea. It is critical to note that a multilateral arrangement between the states in the Indo-pacific must not interpret ‘place of safety’ as prisons detaining the refugees and asylum seekers. Again, there is a need to redesign the method of offshore processing, which is often used as a mere tool of border control that involves forcibly transferring asylum seekers to third states for legal processing of their claims. The detention centre, a temporary correctional facility offshore for the awaiting aspirant migrants, limits the fundamental rights to liberty and freedom of movement in international and regional human rights legal instruments. Therefore, it is to be understood as a measure of last resort and strictly in conformity with national and international law, bearing in mind the ‘ underlying purpose of preventing persons being deprived of their liberty arbitrarily .’ As the Indo-Pacific nations promote a rule-based order, maritime migrants must be considered with a humanitarian lens, and the rules cannot just be technically imposed upon them. It is discussed earlier how often disembarkation of rescued refugees has increasingly been denied by certain destination states in the Indian Ocean. As non-signatories of the 1951 Refugee Convention, most of these South and South-East Asia countries do not feel an obligation to the reception of refugees. Moreover, stringent national laws on citizenship and border control governance are an existential reality; the refugee and asylum management tasks remain ad hoc and vague. Broadly, these have highlighted an international practice of promoting non-arrival strategies and deterrent practices at sea . The security-based approaches in Europe also increased contactless control practices as ‘consensual containment’ schemes . Will the Indo-Pacific nations replicate the same? It is critical to rethink the strategies to prevent unsafe sea migration. Global best practices can inform the Indo-pacific regional cooperation endeavours; however, they may not need to borrow the statist policies among the coastal states and reproduce similar patterns here. In this regard, sustained cooperation between state and non-state organisations will produce a durable solution. About the Author Dr. Niloy Ranjan Biswas is an Associate Professor at the Department of International Relations, University of Dhaka. In 2016, he completed his PhD in International Politics from the City, University of London. He was a recipient of the Fulbright Fellowship (2010-12) to pursue a second Master’s degree in Security Policy Studies at The George Washington University, Washington DC. Dr. Biswas has co-edited two books and authored more than thirty journal articles and book chapters. He has written extensively on deradicalisation and preventing violent extremism, refugees and forced migration, security governance reform, and South Asian regional contributions to United Nations peace support endeavours. Email: niloy@du.ac.bd . Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

< Back Devika Makkat Research Assistant Devika is a Research Assistant at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Devika holds a Bachelor's in International Relations with a minor in Public Policy from FLAME University, Pune. She has a PG Diploma in Interdisciplinary Research, also from FLAME University. Her interest lies in security studies, foreign policy, and development studies with a focus on South Asia and the USA.

b6c39c75-22d8-4e68-8748-b4b49f861a0d < All op-eds Powerhouse: clean energy transitions in the Indo-Pacific Ms Parul Bakshi This blog has been republished from the The Intercept blog by the Lowy Institute with permission. With a global energy crisis underway due to rising prices , coupled with a forecast of a harsh northern hemisphere winter and supply volatility brought on by the Russia–Ukraine war, all eyes are on the future of energy transition . The Indo-Pacific will be at the centre of this transition, with rapidly expanding Southeast Asian economies and burgeoning populations forming a large share of the exponentially rising global energy demand. An energy transition is broadly defined as the pathway to transforming the energy mix towards low carbon, sustainable and renewable forms of energy. One of its key components is maintaining energy security. Traditionally, energy security has encapsulated the 4 As – availability, accessibility, affordability and acceptability – but scholars today also focus on defined aspects such as minimal vulnerability, enhanced resilience and equitable access to energy. Over the past decades, the classical distinction between importers and exporters of energy has blurred. A traditional importer such as the United States is today a crucial energy exporter after its shale gas revolution . Further transformations in the energy landscape due to the global clean energy transition are expected to augment the energy self-sufficiency ratio of nations as their dependency on domestic renewable sources increases, leading to improved energy security. While this might be the case, the belief that such transitions could lead to reduced volatility of energy security is far-fetched. The increasing risk of geopolitical turbulence makes it imperative to promote shared interests and principles of energy security in the region. The ongoing transition away from fossil fuels will usher in a growing reliance on procuring supplies of hydrogen, ammonia, biofuels and other alternatives. Renewables will therefore alter the arenas of energy interaction, transform traditional energy markets and mark a shift in trading partners while reshaping patterns of conflict and cooperation between countries. Since the Indo-Pacific will be a major energy hub that houses critical and strategic energy trade routes, this reshaping will be most pronounced in the region. Instances of such shifts are already evident in the urgency to decarbonise and diversify energy sources. In 2020, traditional oil giant Saudi Arabia demonstrated the world’s first successful blue ammonia supply network by producing and shipping 40 tonnes of high-grade low-carbon fuel to Japan. Similarly, Japanese oil company Inpex successfully brought clean ammonia produced by the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company to Japan. Furthermore, Singapore was the major export destination of biodiesel from India in the 2020–21 financial year. Meanwhile, key Indo-Pacific players such as Japan and Australia are fuelling their bilateral relationship through hydrogen, with the world’s first liquefied hydrogen carrier ship completing its maritime transport of the fuel from Victoria to Kobe in February this year. India is also preparing to jump on the hydrogen exporter bandwagon. Among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Singapore imported hydropower-generated clean electricity from Laos via Thailand and Malaysia through grid interconnections for the first time in June. Countries such as Brunei have also started exporting small quantities of hydrogen to Japan. Although new and emerging interdependent energy relations are forming within the Indo-Pacific, fault lines have also emerged, with Indonesia recently announcing a ban on green energy export, putting a halt to the vision of an integrated ASEAN power grid. In countries such as Australia , in an attempt to secure energy supplies while meeting sustainability goals, nuclear energy is again being debated as a potential addition to the energy mix. However, a rise in the use of nuclear power would result in an increased reliance on uranium imports for many countries. It is interesting to note here that Russia is a key exporter of uranium to the United States and European Union , and with the fuel not being subject to the ongoing Russian sanctions, it adds to the debate on reliance on Russia and energy security. With the continuous growth in solar and wind energy across the region, the critical minerals essential to manufacturing these technologies will become increasingly important. Since these rare earths are concentrated in specific nations, particularly China, diversifying the sources and enabling stable supply becomes imperative to expanding renewable energies and ensuring energy security. In 2010, China imposed an export ban on rare earths to Japan due to a territorial dispute. It is anticipated that the energy-intensive undertones of China’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative will impact the geopolitics around energy trade routes, especially in the Indo-Pacific. Such a scenario increases the need for regional countries to embark on a strategy to secure energy supply routes and affordable energy supplies. Recently, South Korea and Mongolia and India and Australia agreed to boost cooperation on global supply chains, especially concerning rare earths. As China and Russia continue to weaponise these supply capacities to exert geopolitical leverage to coerce other countries for their political purposes, it highlights the prominence of geopolitics of energy. The increasing risk of geopolitical turbulence, as seen recently with growing tensions in Taiwan , makes it imperative to promote shared interests and principles of energy security in the region. The future of smooth energy transitions and the development of a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific rely on a deeper understanding of evolving energy security and fostering a rules-based order safeguarding the same. As the Indo-Pacific comes under the spotlight with major players attempting to expand their influence, energy can act as a means to further relations and interests. Dialogues such as the Sydney Energy Forum are setting the stage. But is the Indo-Pacific prepared for the new contours of energy security? Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More

EDITORIAL BOARD Dr HAPPYMON JACOB EDITOR-IN-CHIEF happymon@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council For Strategic and Defense Research, a new-age think-tank based in New Delhi. Dr Jacob is also an Associate Professor of Diplomacy and Disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). CAPT. SARABJEET S PARMAR EDITOR- INDO-PACIFIC ssparmar@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Capt Parmar is a Distinguished Fellow at CSDR and supports CSDR’s work on Indo-Pacific, Maritime Security and the Indian Ocean Region. PROF. JAGANNATH PANDA EDITOR-INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION jpanda@isdp.eu Institutional Profile Prof. Jagannath Panda is the Head of the Stockholm Center for South Asian and Indo-Pacific Affairs (SCSA-IPA). He is also the Executive Editor for ISDP. Dr. Panda is a Professor at the Department of Regional and Global Studies at the University of Warsaw. VAdm ANIL K CHAWLA EDITOR-MARITIME AFFAIRS akchawlanav@csdronline.com Institutional Profile VAdm Anil K Chawla is the former Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief Southern Naval Command and a Distinguished Fellow at CSDR. RIVA GANGULY DAS EDITOR- FOREIGN POLICY riva@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Ambassador Das is a Distinguished Fellow at the Council For Strategic and Defense Research (CSDR, New Delhi). She joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1986. She has served as High Commissioner to Bangladesh and Ambassador to Romania, Albania and Moldova and has served as Consul General in Shanghai and New York. Before her retirement she was Secretary (East) in the Ministry of External Affairs. DR GAURAV SAINI EXECUTIVE EDITOR gauravsaini@csdronline.com Institutional Profile Dr. Gaurav Saini is co-founder of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research, a new-age think-tak based in New Delhi.

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EDITORIAL TEAM Executive Editor: Dr. Gaurav Saini Dr. Gaurav Saini is the co-founder and Head of Operations and Strategy at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Read More Editor-In-Chief: Dr. Happymon Jacob Dr. Happymon Jacob is the Founder and Director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Read More Associate Editor: Amba Wattal Amba is a Program Associate at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Amba holds a Master’s in International Studies from Symbiosis International University, Pune. Read More

< Back Dr Sutandra Singha Dr. Sutandra Singha is an enthusiastic researcher who is engaged in research in the fields of climate change vulnerability and coping-adaptive capacity analysis, climate politics, sustainable development, and geopolitics in the context of developing countries. She had been affiliated with Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, from July 2010 to September 2021 to pursue her Post Graduation (Geography), M.Phil and Doctoral studies (Climate Change). She was awarded fellowships by the Indian Government (ICSSR and UGC) to pursue her research and also received fellowships by foreign universities to attend academic events in Norway, Brazil, Italy, Sri Lanka, Russia, and Germany. Through peer-reviewed publications, Dr. Sutandra has a track record of generating impactful and innovative solutions to address climate challenges. She has contributed a research paper to the geo-archive of the CLISEL Project, KTH Sweden (Horizon 2020). She served as one of the advisory board members of the Scopus indexed journal Geopolitics of Energy (Publisher: CERI, Alberta). Also, she had been an Expert Reviewer of Chapter 18: Climate Resilient Development Pathways, SOD WGII to the IPCC 6th Assessment Report. Dr. Sutandra aspires to be a distinguished researcher in the field of climate change and wants to collaborate with researchers belonging to different parts of the world. Publications ​ ​ ​

Item List READ THE OPINIONS AND VOICES OF OUR NETWORK MEMBERS HERE! LATEST WORK Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Treesa Shaju Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultura . . . Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year . . . Read More While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is e . . . Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety . . . Read More Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated . . . Sanchari Ghosh IMEC Roadblocks: India's 'Look West' Maritime Vision Hits a Snag . . . Read More The strategic location of the Middle East at the crossroads of two continents - Asia and Europe, and India’s reliance on the Middle East for a substantial portion of its energy imports hold pivotal si . . . Dr Shelly Johny V. The Impact of A Probable Iran-Israel War On The Maritime Security of t . . . Read More The Persian Gulf region, more specifically the Gulf of Oman and the Strait of Hormuz are maritime areas on the Iranian coast over which Iran has considerable naval influence. If Iran and Israel begin . . . Dr Shelly Johny V. The Impact Of A Probable Iran-Israel War On the Maritime Security of W . . . Read More Analysing the U.S. involvement in the region, this article focuses on the impact of a probable Iran-Israel war on the maritime security of West Asia. It will also delve into the likely consequences of . . . Mr Thong Mengdavid Understanding ASEAN Blue Economy and Cambodia’s Maritime Governance Ch . . . Read More Since the establishment of ASEAN in 1967, this regional organisation has rallied tremendous efforts to promote the ASEAN’s community- building, yet there are still numerous challenges such as territor . . . Mr Satria Rizaldi Alchatib Mapping Timor-Leste in ASEAN’s Indo-Pacific Outreach: Challenge or an . . . Read More Since its independence in 2002, Timor Leste had nurtured aspirations for an ASEAN membership. More recently, at the 42nd ASEAN Summit in Indonesia, ASEAN even adopted a roadmap for Timor Leste to beco . . . Parul Bakshi Japan Eyes More Nuclear Power for Energy Security . . . Read More Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has pushed Japan to reevaluate its energy strategy once again. . . . Don McLain Gill India’s G20 Presidency and the Future of Indian Leadership in Internat . . . Read More While multipolarity has increasingly become a buzzword among commentators of international politics. It is crucial to conceptually decipher what it practically means for India’s leadership and the fut . . . Dr. Kaustav Padmapati Taiwan’s Critical Position in the Indo-Pacific: Implications for India . . . Read More The year 2022 was quite eventful for Taiwan as China did not stop its bullying tactics against the island nation and it has been building up its military offensive against it. . . . Cyriac S Pampackal US Senate Resolution on Arunachal Pradesh: A Goodwill Gesture or an Ic . . . Read More The U.S. Senate's 75th Resolution is a potential icebreaker for the process of securitizing the Indo-Pacific, with the US and India as partnering stakeholders. . . . Ratih Indraswari 5O Years of Indonesia-ROK Relations: Challenges and Opportunities . . . Read More Indonesia and the Republic of Korea(ROK) welcome the 50th bilateral anniversary this year but there are some key issues that need to be addressed for their partnership to strengthen further. . . . Ms Sanchari Ghosh India's G20 Presidency: The Effectiveness Of Its Leadership Depends On . . . Read More India can use its one-year presidency to demonstrate that it is capable of leading a broadly divided G-20 to make decisive interventions for the benefit of developed and developing states alike. . . . Mr Arjun Gargeyas The Need for Quad as a Techno-democratic Alliance in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More To check the Indo-Pacific region from becoming reliant on Chinese technology infrastructure, the Quad can collaborate to develop new technologies and produce substitutes for crucial ones that China ha . . . Dr Priya Suresh Key Takeaways from the 20th Party Congress: Its Implications for India . . . Read More The 20th Party Congress has come at a critical juncture as China embarks to construct a strong and modern socialist country. . . . Mr Aditya Singh Impact of India’s Leadership at G20 and SCO on the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More This article explores how India's ascension to a leadership role at both G20 and SCO can influence its presence in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. It also looks at some of the potential effects of . . . Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Ms Priyanka Jaiswal Can Loss and Damage Trigger Solidarity in the Indo-Pacific? . . . Read More Climate change-related extreme weather events have become the new normal in South Asia. In 2022 alone, the region witnessed a deadly heatwave (mainly in India and Pakistan) and catastrophic floods (th . . . Ms Munira Mustaffa Electoral Targeting: Lessons Learned from Digital Campaign Trails in S . . . Read More While electoral integrity, in the context of Southeast Asia, is frequently emphasised, the significance of election security preparedness in the region and the accompanying risks are not being address . . . Dr Gazala Fareedi Indo-Pacific Framework: Bridging the divide between the Global South a . . . Read More With the recent transfer of the G20 Presidency from Indonesia to India, there has been a renewed focus on the Global South. As a voice for the Global South as well as a member of the Indo-Pacific fram . . . Anurag Mishra & Paras Ratna What do the Midterm Results mean for the US Foreign Policy? . . . Read More A peculiar feature of American democracy is that it has an election every two years. The constitutional exercise, however, does not have the thunder of a presidential election as it produces little c . . . Dr. Angana Guha Roy Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: An Overview . . . Read More As more and more powers jockey for influence in the Indo-Pacific, Canada launched its long-awaited Indo-Pacific strategy implicating a shift in its foreign policy agenda. . . . Dr Choong Pui Yee Malaysia's Foreign Policy under Anwar Ibrahim: Continuities and Prosp . . . Read More After years of being the prime minister-designate, Anwar Ibrahim finally become the Prime Minister of Malaysia after the 15th general election held in November 2022.As Malaysia opens a new chapter und . . . Abhivardhan Explainable AI for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific . . . Read More While governments in the Indo-Pacific region including India focus on strengthening digital public infrastructure and emphasize on the need to develop Responsible AI ethics practices, shifting to deve . . . Manoj Kewalramani Quad Needs a More Near-Term, Outcomes-Focussed Approach . . . Read More Ever since its revitalisation, the Quad grouping, comprising India, the US, Japan and Australia, has evolved an ambitious agenda. Over the past two years, the Quad has established six leader-level wor . . . Ms Parul Bakshi Powerhouse: clean energy transitions in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More With a global energy crisis underway due to rising prices, coupled with a forecast of a harsh northern hemisphere winter and supply volatility brought on by the Russia–Ukraine war, all eyes are on the . . . Purvaja Modak Understanding/Evaluating the Indo Pacific Economic Framework . . . Read More The Indo Pacific region is emerging as the new theatre of command today with countries coming together to ensure a free, open, fair, inclusive, interconnected, resilient, secure, and prosperous region . . . Jay Maniyar The Assertiveness of Chinese Foreign Policy under Xi Jinping . . . Read More The President of the Peoples’ Republic of China, PRC, is the incredibly powerful, assertive, uncompromising, and permanent Xi Jinping. China’s foreign policy has witnessed a noticeable climbing nation . . . Lucy Alexander A Comparative Study Media Systems in India and Japan . . . Read More Media in every country is entwined with politics, international relations, culture, and history. Its functioning is primarily determined by the type of government, with different degrees of control or . . . Parul Bakshi Japan’s Missing Nuclear Energy Policy . . . Read More The urgent global need to meet climate ambitions, growing uncertainty about securing vital energy resources due to the ongoing Russia–Ukraine conflict and the inability of renewable resources to meet . . . Oorja Tapan Does India Need a New Indo-Pacific Strategy? . . . Read More The reception of the Indo-Pacific as a strategic construct adjoining the contiguous waters of the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean has gained traction in recent years with the swing of the geopoli . . . Anurag Mishra Biden’s Healing Plan: Where is it? . . . Read More As Joe Biden ascended to the Presidency, he sent waves across America and the world that gave people “hope.” In the challenging times when the world faced the most devastating health crisis, America h . . . Aakriti Sethi ASEAN: The Missing Piece in US’ Indo Pacific Strategy . . . Read More During the Bush and Obama administration, ASEAN’s role in America’s Asia policy was elevated as White House was successful in recognizing its wider importance within and beyond the region. Apart from . . . Dr. Vilashini Somiah Do Maritime Policies Matter to Those Living at Sea? . . . 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Read More The Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean are historical maritime routes for both South and South-East Asia. Recently, these have emerged as routes for intra-Asian and trans-regional movements of people, . . . Mr Gazi Hassan India in Indo-Pacific amidst emerging developments. . . . Read More What has become of the Indo-Pacific?” is the question many are grappling to comprehend with. The new and renewed interest of major powers to assert their supremacy corresponds to the fact that Indo-Pa . . . Dr. Nansi Paulraj Russian Military offensive: The Revisionist Agenda and the Ripple Effe . . . Read More Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, termed Special Military Operations (Invasion) started on 24th February 2022. The reason for this is to protec . . . Mr Angshuman Choudhury How Could Russia’s War in Ukraine Intensify the Geopolitical Tussle in . . . Read More The Russia-Ukraine crisis has given a whole new context to global affairs. As one of the most polarising events of this century so far, it has widened latent geopolitical fissures and possibly created . . . Ms Kritika Roy Chinese campaigns increasingly targeting India’s Cyberspace . . . Read More China-nexus threat actors have been called out for their pertinent snooping and espionage campaigns that are aligned with the country’s national interest. Their espionage activities are global and are . . . Ms. Eerishika Pankaj Charting the Quad’s Bilateral Way Forward . . . Read More As the next Quad summit draws close – presently scheduled for May 2022 – the remarkable growth of the grouping in the past five years is worthy of recap. Its future, however, remains increasingly depe . . . Dr Lina Gong Collective HADR Responses in the Indo-Pacific: Additional Mechanisms i . . . Read More The emergence of new regional mechanisms such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or Quad and the Lancang Mekong Cooperation offer additional mechanisms to strengthen collective response and comple . . . Dr Yatharth Kachiar and Shankar Narayan S Reflections on the Battle for Elysée Palace and Future Impacts on the . . . Read More French national elections do not stir much euphoria in a geographically far away region like the Indo-Pacific. During the election phase in France, foreign policy issues have largely taken a backseat. . . . Dr Hasith Kandaudahewa Towards a Fragile State: Economic Crisis in Sri Lanka . . . Read More The people of Sri Lanka are typically considered a friendly and peaceful community who belong to a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious group Yet, two weeks ago, the people of Sri Lanka re . . . Dr. Ladhu Ram Choudhary The Quad and Aggressive Chinese Military Threat . . . Read More The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is becoming more vibrant and vocal to achieve shared vision of liberal international order – nurturing democratic political governance, strengthening market driven . . . Dr. Medha Bisht "Seeing" the Indo-Pacific and Questions of Strategic Judgement . . . Read More How does one ‘see’ the Indo-Pacific amidst the multiple strategic configurations that the Ocean is witnessing? Given the salience of the issue, it is important that one reckons with some essential bui . . . Dr. Christian Wagner The Indo-Pacific – a European Perspective . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific will be the main theatre in the emerging systemic rivalry between the United States and China. This has also initiated a fundamental change in Europe’s perception of the region. . . . Dr. Ashok Alex Luke India’s concern over China’s growing assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific . . . Read More The Indo-Pacific is likely to be the new area of contestation as China’s growing footprint and influence in the Indian Ocean region had created concerns for the United States, India and their allies o . . . Dr. Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad Great Powers and the Importance of Listening in International Politics . . . Read More In today’s world where scary dragons, eagles, bears, and elephants (and sometimes octopuses) regularly appear in magazine covers or articles’ illustrations when they discuss international politics, it . . . Know about the submission guidelines. SUBMISSION GUIDELINES

STEERING COMMITTEE Lt. Gen. Hooda (Retd) Lt. Gen. Hooda (Retd) is a Co-founder and Director of the Centre for Defense and Security of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Lt. Gen. Hooda was commissioned into the 4th Battalion of the 4th Gorkha Rifles in 1976 and initially served in Nagaland during the peak of insurgency. Read More Dr. Happymon Jacob Dr. Happymon Jacob is the Founder and Honourary Director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research. Dr Jacob is Associate Professor of Diplomacy and Disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). Read More

OUR TEAM Gaurav Saini Amba Wattal Devika Makkat

OUR MENTORS Adm. Anil Kumar Chawla (Retd.) Adm. Anil Kumar Chawla (Retd.) served as the 28th Flag Officer Commanding- in-Chief, of the Southern Naval Command. He also served as the Indian Navy’s Chief of Personnel in 2016-18. Read More ​Dr. Toby Dalton ​Dr. Toby Dalton is Co-Director of the Nuclear Policy Program, and Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He has formerly been a staff member in the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee. TDalton@ceip.org Read More Prof. C. Raja Mohan Prof. C. Raja Mohan is a visiting research professor at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. He was also the Founding Director of Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, India. isascrm@nus.edu.sg Read More Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain (Retd) Through most of his 40 year illustrious career General Hasnain has served in turbulent environment and hot spots. From Sri Lanka to Siachen Glacier, from the North East to Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), and in UN operations from Mozambique to Rwanda, he has seen it all in crucial appointments. Read More Dr. Bec Strating Dr. Bec Strating is the Executive Director of La Trobe Asia and a Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, in the Department of Politics, Media and Philosophy at La Trobe University in Melbourne. B.Strating@latrobe.edu.au Read More Prof. Anne-Marie Brady Prof. Anne-Marie Brady teaches Political Science at the University of Canterbury, and is an expert on Chinese politics. A fluent Mandarin speaker, she is also a Global Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington DC. anne-marie.brady@canterbury.ac.nz Read More Capt. Sarabjeet S Parmar Capt Sarabjeet S Parmar was commissioned into the Indian Navy on 01 July 1987 and retired on 30 June 2023. He has been a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and worked in the Indian Navy’s strategic apex level offices. He has written and spoken extensively on maritime security and strategy issues at various national and international conferences and his main areas of research include national and maritime strategy and security related aspects in the Indo-Pacific, piracy, HADR, and international maritime law with a focus on lawfare. Read More Dr Rajeswari Rajagopalan Dr. Rajeswari (Raji) Pillai Rajagopalan is the Director of the Centre for Security, Strategy &; Technology (CSST) at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Dr. Rajagopalan was the Technical Advisor to the United Nations Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) on Prevention of Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) (July 2018-July 2019). She was also a Non- Resident Indo-Pacific Fellow at the Perth USAsia Centre from April-December 2020. Read More Dr. Christian Wagner Dr. Christian Wagner is a Senior Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin. Formerly, he was also a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Development Research, University of Bonn. christian.wagner@swp-berlin.org Read More Amb. Shivshankar Menon Amb. Shivshankar Menon served as India’s Foreign Secretary in 2006-09 and subsequently as its fourth National Security Advisor. A career diplomat, he is among India’s foremost foreign policy experts. Read More Lt. Gen. D.S. Hooda (Retd.) Lt. Gen. D.S. Hooda (Retd.), served as an Officer in the Indian Army, and retired as Northern Army Commander in 2016. He has vast experience in counter-insurgency and crisis-management at the strategic level. dhooda@csdronline.org Read More Amb. Rakesh Sood Amb. Rakesh Sood is veteran of the Indian Foreign Service, having held posts including India’s Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament, and the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy for Disarmament and Non – Proliferation. Read More Lieutenant General Raj Shukla In a career spanning over four decades in the Indian Army, Lieutenant General Raj Shukla has seen extensive service in the field - he commanded a Medium Regiment in the Eastern / Desert Theatres, an Infantry Brigade in Counter Insurgency Operations, an Infantry Division along the Line of Control in the Kashmir Valley and a Pivot Corps along the Western Borders. Read More Dr. Sinderpal Singh Dr. Sinderpal Singh Senior Fellow and Coordinator of the South Asia Programme at the Nanyang Technological University. He was formerly also a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University Singapore. issinderpal@ntu.edu.sgUniversity of Singapore. Read More Nitin Pai Mr Nitin Pai is co-founder and director of the Takshashila Institution, an independent centre for research and education in public policy based in Bangalore. His research includes cyber and space power, Indo-Pacific geopolitics, and defence economics. Read More