SEARCH RESULTS

< Back Mr Arjun Gargeyas Arjun Gargeyas is a Research Analyst working with the High Tech Geopolitics programme at the Takshashila Institution. He holds a Bachelor’s degree in Electronics Engineering from RV College of Engineering in Bangalore. Prior to Takshashila, he worked with NVIDIA and Cisco along with short stints at The Dialogue and the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change (MoEFCC). Arjun's interests lies at the intersection of foreign, technology, energy and environment policy. My interest for the Indo-Pacific Circle lies with my interest in understanding China's technology ecosystem and how Chinese foreign policy has been influenced by its rise in the science and technology domains. I also want to understand the rise in China's technological footprint across the Indo-Pacific. Publications

< Back Mr Thong Mengdavid Thong Mengdavid is a Research Fellow at the Mekong Center for Strategic Studies, Asian Vision Institute where he focuses on writing research papers focusing on ASEAN, U.S.-China relations, and regional security and politics. He holds an MA in Political Science from the School of International and Public Affairs, Shanghai Jiao Tong University, China. Publications

< Back Dr Tanvi Kulkarni Tanvi Kulkarni is a Policy Fellow at the Asia-Pacific Leadership Network for Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament, and a member of the APLN Secretariat. She has formerly worked as Consultant Coordinator for Chaophraya Track II Dialogue between India and Pakistan, and a Project Coordinator for Indo-Pak Conflict Monitor. She has also served as a Project Officer at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi. She holds a PhD in Diplomacy and Disarmament, from the Centre for International Politics, Organization and Disarmament, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Publications Contesting the Illusion of Peace: Are We Prepared for Nuclear War?: https://www.apln.network/analysis/commentaries/contesting-the-illusion-of-peace-are-we-prepared-for-nuclear-war Missile Controls in East Asia: https://www.apln.network/projects/apln-with-korea-times/missile-controls-in-east-asia

< Back Mr Anilesh Tewari Mr. Anilesh Tewari is the founder of AT Law Chamber and has completed his graduation from Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. Publications

< Back Dr Angana Guha Roy Angana Guha Roy is a Research Associate at the Delhi Policy Group, and a former Consultant at the Indian Council for Research in International Economic Relations, New Delhi, where she assisted in the India-Japan Track 1.5 Dialogue. She completed her PhD from the University of Delhi (Department of East Asian Studies), and is a member of the South Asia Democratic Forum, Brussels and an executive member of the Research Association of South Korea. She has authored several book chapters and her articles have appeared in journals such as the Indian Military Review, Contemporary Issues in Global Politics, and Journal of Indian Ocean Region, and the Indian Journal of Politics and International Relations. Her areas of research include China’s security and foreign policy, and East and Southeast Asia. Publications Discussing Nepal’s Geopolitical Trajectory: https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/discussing-nepals-geopolitical-trajectory/ Strategic Rivalry in Bay of Bengal Region: https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/strategic-rivalry-in-bay-of-bengal-region/ COVID-19 and the Japan-South Korea Trade Dispute:https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/covid-19-and-the-japan-south-korea-trade-dispute//

< Back Dr Sana Hashmi Sana Hashmi is currently a Visiting Fellow, at the Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation. She is also a Non-Resident Scholar at the Research Institute for Indo-Pacific Affairs, Japan, and a former Visiting Fellow at the Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University. She has also worked as a Consultant at the Ministry of External Affairs, India and as an Associate Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi. She holds a PhD from the Centre for East Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, with a thesis titled, ‘China’s Diplomacy towards Central Asia: A Case Study of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, 2001-2015’. She has published several research articles and book chapters on India-Taiwan relations, Chinese foreign policy, and India-China relations. She is the author of a book titled, ‘China’s Approach towards Territorial Disputes: Lessons and Prospects’, published by KW Publications in 2016. Publications Moving Toward Sustainable Australia-Taiwan Ties: https://thediplomat.com/2021/11/moving-toward-sustainable-australia-taiwan-ties/// Taiwan: An important ally in the battle against authoritarianism: https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/taiwan-an-important-ally-in-the-battle-against-authoritarianism-7698722/ Is India Really Being Cautious in Interactions with Taiwan?: https://www.deccanchronicle.com/opinion/columnists/041121/sana-hashmi-is-india-really-being-cautious-in-interactions-with-taiw.htmll

< Back Kei Hakata Dr. Kei Hakata is a full-time professor at Seikei University in Tokyo, Japan, specializing in international politics and security affairs. He is also an associate fellow at the Institute of Advanced International Studies, the University of World Economy and Diplomacy in Uzbekistan, and a member of the Research Chair on the Indo-Pacific studies at Laval University in Canada. He holds a doctorate in public law from the University of Nancy II in France. Before joining Seikei University in 2005, he worked for Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Professor Hakata was a visiting scholar at Ateneo de Manila University in The Philippines, Oxford University in the United Kingdom, the Institute of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Hungary, and National Tsing Hua University in Taiwan/R.O.C. His publications include Indo-Pacific Strategies: Navigating Geopolitics at the Dawn of a New Age (co-edited with Brendon J. Cannon, Routledge, 2021). Publications Indo-Pacific Strategies: Navigating Geopolitics at the Dawn of a New Age (Routledge, 2021). Co-edited with Dr Brendon J Cannon https://www.routledge.com/Indo-Pacific-Strategies-Navigating-Geopolitics-at-the-Dawn-of-a-New-Age/Cannon-Hakata/p/book/9781032074436 Japan’s Strategic Messaging for a ‘Free and Open International Order (FOIO)’: Can It Preserve its Indo-Pacific Achievements? (Co-authored with Teruaki Aizawa and Brendon J Cannon) https://www.isdp.eu/publication/japans-strategic-messaging-for-a-free-and-open-international-order-foio-can-it-preserve-its-indo-pacific-achievements/

< Back Dr Hasith Kandaudahewa Hasith Kandaudahewa (PhD) is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of International Relations at the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka. Dr. Kandaudahewa, an expert in the fields of foreign policy is a First-Class recipient of BA (Hons) in International Relations from the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka. Among his undergraduate achievements are the University Academic Excellence Award and several Gold Medals. Dr. Kandaudahewa completed a Diploma in Political Economy from the University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong/the University of Georgetown, Washington. D.C in 2011 and was awarded Master of Arts in International Relations (Distinction Pass) from the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka in 2015. His thesis on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy towards China and India gained him the doctorate (PhD in Politics & International Relations) at the Department of Politics and International Relations, the University of Auckland in 2020. Dr. Kandaudahewa has contributed by publishing and reviewing in local and international peer-reviewed journals for the scientific community. Further, Dr. Kandaudahewa offers his expert knowledge to local and international media on Sri Lanka’s international relations and political matters. Publications Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): Implementation, Achievements and Challenges faced in Sri Lanka https://www.researchgate.net/publication/359055559_Sustainable_Development_Goals_SDGs_Implementation_Achievements_and_Challenges_faced_in_Sri_Lanka Constitutional Aspect of the United Kingdom and Sri Lanka Foreign Policy Decision Making (1977-2016) https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2852946 Sri Lanka in Commonwealth: UK-Sri Lanka Political and Economic Relations 2009-2015 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/308930983_Sri_Lanka_in_Commonwealth_UK-Sri_Lanka_Political_and_Economic_Relations_2009-2015

< Back Mr Gaurav Sen Gaurav Sen, is a PhD candidate at the Centre for African Studies. His PhD research includes India and China strategic competition in African east coast. He has done his master's in Politics with specialization in International Studies from SIS, JNU, New Delhi. He is currently working as a Research Associate at Centre for Air Power Studies where his research topic is based on Chinese A2/AD system and Balance of Power in Indo-Pacific. before this he was a research intern at MP-IDSA. Publications

< Back Dr Choong Pui Yee Choong Pui Yee is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of Southeast Asian Studies at University of Malaysia. She teaches ASEAN regionalism and Politics and Governance of Southeast Asia. Her research interests include social movements, contentious politics, Malaysia's domestic politics, and security issues in Southeast Asia. Prior to her current position, has held a research position at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, and had served as a Senior Analyst and Coordinator of the History and Regional Studies Programme at Penang Institute, Malaysia. She has also served as the Head of Research of a think tank affiliated with a political party in Malaysia. Pui Yee has published several commentaries and book chapters on political issues in Malaysia. Besides that, she has also worked on several state government projects where she provided policy recommendations for the state government. Publications

< Back Dr Medha Bisht Medha Bisht is an Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations, South Asian University, New Delhi. She was formerly a Fellow at the South Asia Centre, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. She completed her PhD in Diplomatic Studies, at the Centre for International Politics, Organisation and Disarmament, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Her articles on strategic thought, Indian foreign policy, Bhutan, and Women’s Movements, have appeared in journals such as the Hague Journal of Diplomacy, the Journal of the Indian Ocean Region, and Asian Affairs. Her most recent book is titled, ‘Kautilya’s Arthashastra: Philosophy of Strategy’, published by Routledge in 2019. Publications Taliban Talks to “International Community”: https://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/taliban-talks-to-international-community-medhabhist-030921 Chinese Inroads into Bhutan: Diplomatic Gimmick or Strategic Reality?: https://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/ChineseInroadsintoBhutan_mbisht_140812 Dams in Arunachal Pradesh: Between Development Debates and Strategic Dimensions: https://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/DamsinArunachalPradesh_mbisht_010210

955d0334-27fe-4c38-940e-97ebbc3de35a < All op-eds Collective HADR Responses in the Indo-Pacific: Additional Mechanisms in the Making? Dr Lina Gong This blog originally appeared as an online publication for the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) at Nanyang Technical University, Singapore. It has been republished with the consent of both RSIS and the author, Dr Lina Gong. SYNOPSIS The emergence of new regional mechanisms such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or Quad and the Lancang Mekong Cooperation offer additional mechanisms to strengthen collective response and complement the role of ASEAN in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief in the Indo-Pacific. The respective designs of these new mechanisms nevertheless raise important questions over the extent to which they will contribute to deepening collective disaster response. COMMENTARY Natural hazards pose significant threats to the Indo-Pacific. In 2021, the region accounted for nearly half of disaster-induced fatalities and 23% of economic losses in the world. Climate change adds to the risks facing the region as climate extremes are projected to increase in frequency and severity. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has further strained personnel, resources and logistics in disaster responses. These trends highlight the need to strengthen regional militaries’ capacity for collective response in the area of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR). Military involvement in disaster response is common in this region and foreign military assistance is requested when national military assets are inadequate. Success and Constraints of the ASEAN Model The ASEAN countries have built a multi-layered network to support collective response to disasters in the region. Established institutions and platforms contribute to better communication and coordination on HADR issues. Relying on its convenient location in the region and network of international liaison officers, the Changi Regional HADR Coordination Centre ( RHCC ) hosted by Singapore was launched in 2014 to enhance regional coordination in HADR. The RHCC shares information to facilitate informed deployment-related decision-making on the part of partner militaries and avoid duplication when a disaster strikes across the wider region. Platforms such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM)–Plus have facilitated multi-level engagement on HADR issues between ASEAN and its dialogue partners since the 1990s through regular meetings and workshops as well as joint training and exercises . These activities help connect focal points of contact from different countries and sectors, including military forces, government agencies, regional and international organisations, and humanitarian agencies, to foster a regional network of disaster relief. However, it is necessary to recognise the difficulty for ASEAN to go beyond a facilitative role. Currently, collective response takes the form of multiple bilateral responses, as seen during the Palu earthquake and tsunami in Indonesia in 2018. Eighteen countries deployed assets through direct coordination with the Indonesian military forces, while the RHCC Centre was not utilised. The same pattern was seen in military responses to COVID-19 in the region, with one military delivering critical medical supplies and vaccines to another bilaterally. It shows the ASEAN countries’ preference for dealing with military HADR interactions primarily by themselves with some engagement through regional mechanisms, an approach that ultimately limits the depth of HADR cooperation in the region. A more regionalised response to HADR under the ASEAN banner can contribute further to enhancing the speed and efficiency of coordination and deployment. The discussions for the establishment of an ASEAN Militaries Ready Group on HADR since 2015 can be seen as a step in this direction. Quad and LMC as Alternatives: Potential and Uncertainty Although the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the Lancang Mekong Cooperation (LMC) are relatively new and under-institutionalised mechanisms, compared with ASEAN, the two arrangements have the potential both in resources and capabilities to be more operational. The Quad, consisting of Australia, India, Japan and the United States, evolved from the core group of relief nations after the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004 and was revived by the participating countries in 2017. Motivated by the need to contain the growing influence of China, the revived Quad is now primarily a cooperative mechanism for traditional security concerns. However, all four countries are key HADR providers in the Indo-Pacific and have mature bilateral or trilateral military partnerships, which reduce common concerns in HADR operations, such as interoperability, communication and logistics at the country-to-country level. Interoperability between the United States and Australia as well as Japan is high due to their long-standing security alliances. Australia and Japan signed the Reciprocal Access Agreement in January 2022, which deepens bilateral security cooperation, including in HADR. Interoperability between the Indian military and the other three is increasing as Australia and Japan have been invited to join India’s Malabar naval exercise , which started in 1992 on a bilateral basis between India and the United States. As Australia, India and Japan are located in different subregions of the Indo-Pacific, and the United States has an extensive military presence across the region, logistics for collective responses under the Quad framework is not likely to face major constraints. However, the place of HADR on the Quad agenda is unclear. The Quad Leaders’ Joint Statement adopted in March 2021 pledged to respond to an array of global challenges, including HADR. However, it disappeared in the joint statement of September 2021. Following the unfolding crisis in Ukraine, the four leaders indicated an interest in establishing a regional mechanism for HADR . These changes possibly suggest that areas in direct competition with Beijing are viewed with higher urgency and importance, such as COVID-19 and emerging technologies. The wavering attitude to HADR raises uncertainty over the Quad’s sustained commitment and investment in collective response. In addition, despite the common goal, the calculations of the four countries on HADR deployment do not necessarily always converge as some may still prefer bilateral assistance over collective response under the Quad banner on some occasions. It remains to be seen how the HADR mechanism within the Quad will balance the diverging interests and concerns of the four participating countries. The LMC, which involves Cambodia, China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam, was launched in 2016 in Sanya, China. Disaster response is not among its founding five priorities of connectivity, production capacity, cross-border economic cooperation, water resources, and agriculture and poverty reduction; however, it has appeared in recent declarations. The LMC is not designed as an HADR provider, evident in the fact that it did not provide emergency relief to the LMC counties hit by deadly floods in November 2020. Instead, China provided bilateral aid to the affected countries through its embassies. The declaration following the third LMC leaders’ meeting in August 2020 specified the emergencies for which humanitarian assistance will be provided, which include floods, droughts and landslides. As such, it can be assumed that HADR within the LMC context is broadly linked to water management. The declaration also pledged to strengthen “collective response” to future public health emergencies. The motivations for the LMC fundamentally differ from the two aforementioned platforms, yet HADR now makes it into the LMC’s declarations. First, the LMC is primarily intended to enhance socio-economic cooperation , even though political and security cooperation is one of the three pillars. Geographically, its focus is on the Mekong subregion. Second, China is obviously the most resourceful and capable provider due to its size and clout as an external partner for HADR efforts. The LMC region has been a priority area in China’s active diplomacy during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a special fund for public health established in 2020 to support infectious disease control in the subregion. In the past two years, Beijing has deployed military medical teams and donated vaccines to its LMC counterparts through the Chinese Defence Ministry. These bilateral activities have been listed as examples of cooperation under LMC. They significantly outnumber the bilateral interactions between other LMC countries tracked by the LMC secretariat. The power imbalance between the LMC countries can be a double-edged sword for possible collective action under the LMC banner, and differentiating LMC responses from China’s own diplomatic offensive is crucial. Conclusion The proliferation of multilateral mechanisms can potentially benefit HADR by broadening the sources of personnel, capabilities and resources. However, ASEAN’s experience shows the difficulty in moving towards meaningful collective response in HADR in multilateral contexts. As the Quad and LMC were not revived/established for humanitarian purposes and do not have clearly defined arrangements for collective responses, their collective action in HADR, other than in the form of joint exercises, are likely to be ad hoc at best. Previous Next LATEST OP-EDS Dr Dhanasree Jayaram Intersectionality As The Key To Indo-Pacific Climate Action The Indo-Pacific is a dynamic region that faces a multitude of climate vulnerabilities. These climate vulnerabilities intermingle with the region’s social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural fault lines, thereby exacerbating the systemic crisis that the region’s populations are currently facing and will be facing in the future. Applying an intersectional framework is critical for developing a comprehensive understanding of varying vulnerabilities and capacities (that influence the agency of those affected) across societies. Read More Purvaja Modak 2024: Brazil’s G20 Year While Indonesia and India made some progress on negotiations on climate action, inclusion of the African Union in the G20 and the reform of multilateral development banks (MDBs), much more action is essential. Read More Abhivardhan An Indo-Pacific Perspective on AI Safety Analysing varied approaches to AI regulation in key countries, this article explores the challenges and opportunities of AI Safety in the Indo-Pacific region and discusses the need for a coordinated approach to addressing these issues. Read More